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Boycott Calls Against Israel
Information from "The Academic Friends of Israel" which follows and acts against the boycott within the U.K
The Academic Friends of Israel





P.O. Box 360                                                       Email:
mail@academics-for-israel.org
<http://uk.f254.mail.yahoo.com/ym/Compose?To=mail@academics-for-israel.org>

Harrow                                                             Website:
www.academics-for-israel.org <http://www.academics-for-israel.org/>

HA3 9WY






9 May 2006



Dear Colleagues



At this time last year we were in the throes of the battle to overturn theAUT decision to undertake an academic boycott of Israel. What a difference a year makes, as later this week, the AUT has its last annual council meeting
and at the end of this month NATFHE meets for its final conference.



The contrast at this time between the two unions cannot be more different;
The AUT will not be discussing any boycott motions but will consider instead recommendations from International committee to ensure that the Eastbourne fiasco will never happen again and that any future boycott proposals will
have to consider the context of the request as well as meet several laid down criteria which have to be met before any boycott motion can be considered. NATFHE on the other hand is to go ahead and discuss a motion
recommending that the 67,000 members of the union carry out a “personal” boycott of Israeli lecturers and academic institutions that do not publicly declare their opposition to Israeli policy. This affair was reported in today’s Haaretz Newspaper
(http://www.haaretzdaily.com/hasen/spages/713716.html),



Jon Pike from Engage has written an excellent piece on why this NATFHE motion 198C calling for a “personal boycott” should be withdrawn because it
is inaccurate, dishonest, and in conflict with NATFHE's constitution by specifically advocating discrimination of one nation: Israel.
  I urge everyone to read it; you can find it below or at
http://www.engageonline.org.uk/blog/article.php?id=410



The Academic Friends of Israel joins with Engage in calling for NATFHE toreconsider its decision to allow a debate on this motion at conference. 



Any boycott call that is based on whether Israeli academics support their Government’s government policy is like the AUT call last year discriminatory
and effectively an antisemitic act. I would expect my Union NATFHE to recognise the problem and act immediately, yet as in the past they have so
far failed to do anything. NATFHE has a duty of care and an obligation to ensure that the Union makes only those commitments which it is capable of pursuing according to its constitution and not to allow it to pursue
policies which encourage union members to break discrimination and equal opportunities legislation as well as their own contracts of employment.



I would ask that you write to NATFHE urging them not to allow debate on this divisive and discrimatory motion to go ahead. I would also suggest that you
send a copy of your email to the President and General Secretary of the AUT, so that they are also aware of the depth of feeling.



The relevant addresses are:



John Wilkin, PRESIDENT

president@natfhe.org.uk



Dennis Hayes, VICE PRESIDENT

d.hayes@canterbury.ac.uk



Paul Mackney, GENERAL SECRETARY
pmackney@natfhe.org.uk



AUT General Secretary, Sally Hunt

sally.hunt@aut.org.uk



AUT President, Steve Wharton

president@aut.org.uk





SPME has started a petition: An Appeal From Scholars WorldWide To NATFHE Not to Vote/Defeat Any Motions to Boycott Israel Scholars

http://www.spme.net/cgi-bin/display_petitions.cgi?ID=2



To Sign this petition go to -
http://www.spme.net/cgi-bin/display_petitions.cgi?ID=2
<http://www.spme.net/cgi-bin/display_petitions.cgi?ID=2&Action=Sign>
&Action=Sign





What does this mean for the new Union, the UCU which is the result of NATFHE and the AUT merging and takes office from 1st June? Not a good point to
start from I would think. There is no stomach at the AUT at present for another fight over boycotts yet NATFHE can’t wait to call one. It is clear that the first conference of the new union in 2007 will see a clash between the moderate AUT membership and the Left wing activists from NATFHE.



Neither of these motions if passed will have any effect on the policy of the new union as in theory they “die” with the passing of NATFHE and the AUT.
The new union can only follow policies that both unions agreed on in the past and these two recommendations are so at odds with each other that neither can be adopted.

The first thing the new merged UCU union should do is to condemn this “personal boycott” call if it is passed.



Finally I have also put below the AUT Draft Policy on International Greylisting and Boycotts which is due to be debated at the AUT council later this week. It may not be perfect, but that any call for a boycott of Israeli
Universities can only be accepted if they are called for by Israeli staff associations.



Regards,



Ronnie Fraser



Academic Friends of Israel







NATFHE: Chuck out 198C! - Jon Pike



The union that covers staff in the newer universities is to consider a further resolution on boycotting Israeli universities at its conference in
Blackpool later this month. There are reports in the Israeli media that suggest that the resolution facing Natfhe is a full-on boycott resolution, and that suggest that it is already in place. This isn´t true. This is what
the resolution 198C says:



Conference notes continuing Israeli apartheid policies, including construction of the exclusion wall, and discriminatory educational practices. It recalls its motion of solidarity last year for the AUT resolution to exercise moral and professional responsibility.



Conference instructs the NEC to facilitate meetings in each university and college, and to circulate information to Branches, offering to fund the speakers' travel costs.



Conference invites members to consider their own responsibility for ensuring equity and non-discrimination in contacts with Israeli educational institutions or individuals and to consider the appropriateness of a boycott of those that do not publicly dissociate themselves from such policies.



It´s due to be voted on at the NATFHE Conference in Blackpool on the weekend of the 27-29th May.



198C is inaccurate, dishonest, and in conflict with NATFHE's constitution.
Let's take the central point first. 198C seeks NATFHE endorsement for a private or individual boycott of Israeli academia.

It doesn't say which universities, so we must presume that it refers to all the universities in Israel. It does so, disingenuously, because it couches
the boycott call in terms of individual responsibility, but the foul discriminatory language is there: it asks that people consider their responsibility (in relation to) "contacts with Israeli ... individuals".



It is clear that the proposers of 198C think that it is appropriate to cut off links with Israeli individuals, but they don’t, yet again, have the guts
to say so. It is clear, once again, that the proposers of 198C think it is
appropriate to introduce a McCarthyism test (public disassociation from
'apartheid policies') as a precondition to ordinary academic interchange.
And, once again, this runs flat up against a concern with academic freedom.
And it is clear that they want to endorse a private, covert, boycott.



Let’s be stone cold clear about this: what the proposers of this resolution
want is union endorsement for actions that are, in effect, anti-Semitic.
They aim to endorse the actions of Mona Baker, who sacked members of the
editorial board of her journal because they were affiliated to Israeli
Universities. We know that Mona Baker's policy is, in effect, anti-Semitic:
she doesn't want to have contact with any individuals who are affiliated
with Israeli institutions, and those people will largely be Jews. And we
know, of course, that Mona Baker thinks these actions are 'appropriate'
(and, when criticised, complains bitterly about the Jewish press). We know,
too that concerned supporters of Palestinian rights like Prof. Judith Butler
clearly distance themselves from Baker. Yet the South East region of Natfhe
want their union to endorse Baker-type actions.



The gutlessness is extraordinary. We know that the proposers of the
resolution want a full-on official boycott of all Israeli institutions, and
we know that they daren't subject their argument for this to democratic or
legal scrutiny. These bold advocates of united collective action retreat to
advocacy of covert individual discriminatory acts.



And there is much more wrong with this resolution. It gets its history
wrong. Natfhe did not 'pass a motion of solidarity last year for the AUT
resolution to exercise moral and professional responsibility'.



There was no such thing as an AUT resolution to exercise moral and
professional responsibility. (But the suggestion that there was, is
interesting. It's clear that the proposers think that being morally
responsibility equals being in favour of a boycott. What a crass

view!)



There were three AUT boycott resolutions. NATFHE passed a rather silly
resolution defending AUT's right to pass resolutions - a right that was
never in doubt. The boycott resolutions were overturned by the AUT
membership. Is South East region of Natfhe in solidarity with the AUT
members who voted overwhelmingly against the boycott? Or does it pick and
choose which AUT branches it is in solidarity with? (In the South East, is
it in solidarity with Sussex University AUT, which opposed the boycott, just
up the road from Tom Hickey of the SWP and South East Natfhe?)



This is a move by an unrepresentative group in Natfhe to reopen the boycott
debate in a dishonest and disingenuous way. The attempt comes just as Natfhe
and the AUT (my union) are engaged in a joint industrial dispute over pay,
and as we move towards merger.



If this policy is passed by Natfhe, it will only last three months, because
it cannot and will not become the policy of the UCU: the AUT is clearly
opposed to such boycott action and will adopt a framework at its council in
Scarborough this week that rules out boycotts of green line institutions
unless they are called for by Israeli staff associations. But many in the
AUT will be shocked by the thought of merging with a union that wants to
endorse effectively anti-semitic acts, like those of Mona Baker.



The resolution has not been put to the conference and there is no boycott in
place at the moment. It may well be ruled out of order:

there were procedural irregularities in its proposal, and it also seems to
come up against the non-discriminatory clauses of NATFHE's constitution.

This specifies that the aims and objectives of the association are:



(2.4) To oppose actively all forms of harassment and unfair discrimination
whether on the grounds of sex, race, ethnic or national origin, religion
colour, class, caring responsibilities, marital status, sexuality,
disability, age, or other status or personal characteristic. (NATFHE
Constitution and Rules)



But the resolution specifically advocates discrimination on a national
basis: it applies to only one nation: Israel.



This is, of course that familiar problem of the unwarranted selectivity
involved in the AUT debate. The proposers might object that they are only in
favour of 'fair' discrimination, but they have no warrant for that: they do
not encourage a boycott that is policed or judged by Natfhe, or any other
body - they leave it up to the members themselves.



Are we to rest assured that Natfhe members are incapable of acting in a way
that is unfairly discriminatory? Of course not. If 198C is passed, NATFHE
will have endorsed a policy that conflicts with its own constitution - and
it may well conflict with anti-discrimination legislation.



198C also contradicts AUT policy. I´ve argued above that 198C conflicts with
academic freedom because it requires that Israeli individuals pass a
political test: it requires them to publicly disassociate themselves from
the 'apartheid policies' of the Israeli state. This is a McCarthyite test,
which no academic should impose.



The proposers should be embarrassed to make such a suggestion in public.
PACBI, the organisation which called for the original boycott in the AUT has
abandoned this position. But Tom Hickey and the South East Region seem not
to have caught up with the debate.



Consider how such a test might be operated. Which policies count as
'apartheid' ones? How public is public? What sort of disassociating
statement needs to be made to satisfy the requirement of Tom Hickey and
NATFHE South East region? Could he provide us with a wording, or will NATFHE
HQ do that?



In the meantime, later this week in Scarborough, AUT will adopt a policy
that commits it to 'the protection and extension of academic freedom to
teach, research and otherwise collaborate with fellow academics around the
world'.



The AUT won't support a policy in the merged union that is in contradiction
with this concern. There are, too, very many union members in the UCU -
certainly the majority in the AUT who would be very reluctant to vote for
someone who endorsed 198C for a senior post in the new union. If I was after
such a post, I'd make it clear that I stood for academic freedom, and
against 198C.



So 198C contradicts AUT policy, and will not be able to stand in a merged
union. But the reason that it should be thrown out by delegates to NATFHE is
not just that it causes problems for the merger, but that it is wrong in
principle and in practice.

For all these reasons, and more, NATFHE delegates should chuck out 198C at
the end of the month.



Jon Pike

Open University AUT

NATFHE Conference Motions

198B PALESTINE

Conference notes the victory of HAMAS in the recent Palestine Authority
elections.

Conference condemns the hysterical reporting of the result by most of the
British news media and the outrageous bias shown by UK Government statements
against the outcome of a democratic process

NATFHE resolves:

1. to continue to help protect and support Palestinian colleges and
universities in the face of the continual attacks by Israel’s government.

2. to contact the Palestinian Authority Government to re-affirm that
support.

Southern Region

Amendment 1

Delete second paragraph:
'Conference condemns . . . democratic process.'

Northern Ireland Region


Amendment 2

Para 1: delete all after 'in', replace with 'the free, democratic and
non-violent elections for the Palestinian Authority.'

Para 2: delete all after 'statements', replace with 'in demanding that Hamas
recognises the Israeli state and renounces violence in the context of
continuing Israeli violence, the construction of the illegal wall and a
voluntary truce maintained by Hamas for over 12 months.'

Point 1) delete 'help protect and'

North West Region

Amendment 3

Add at the end of line 5: 'and is concerned about events such as the
apparent collusion of the British and American Governments in the withdrawal
of prison guards who monitored Jericho Prison under the Ramallah Agreement
enabling the Israeli forces to storm the prison.'

South East Region



198C ACADEMIC RESPONSIBILITY

Conference notes continuing Israeli apartheid policies, including
construction of the exclusion wall, and discriminatory educational
practices. It recalls its motion of solidarity last year for the AUT
resolution to exercise moral and professional responsibility.

Conference instructs the NEC to facilitate meetings in each university and
college, and to circulate information to Branches, offering to fund the
speakers' travel costs.

Conference invites members to consider their own responsibility for ensuring
equity and non-discrimination in contacts with Israeli educational
institutions or individuals and to consider the appropriateness of a boycott
of those that do not publicly dissociate themselves from such policies.

South East Region





Draft AUT Policy on International Greylisting and Boycotts





The Investigative Commission on Israel/Palestine established by Special
Council in May 2005 makes the following recommendations regarding the action
that may be taken in relation to the boycotting of higher education
institutions in another country ie an international boycott. 



In drawing this proposal together, the commission has been very much aware
that the AUT while being a significant player in higher education terms
worldwide, is a relatively small organisation in international terms with
limited resources.  It is not capable of policing the academic world or of
imposing its own policy at a global level.  AUT needs, therefore, to work in
collaboration with the national and international organisations to which it
is affiliated (notably the TUC, ETUC, Education International) and
like-minded unions in order to secure the implementation of its policies.



The commission also looked carefully at the domestic greylisting and
boycotting procedures that AUT has established in relation to institutions
in the UK and felt that these procedures provided a useful model around
which international greylisting and boycott procedures could be developed.
The commission also agreed that international procedures would need to be at
least as rigorous as procedures for greylisting and boycotting institutions
in our own country.



Any action taken against academic institutions in other states must be in
line with the current international policy of AUT.  Further to the meetings
of Council and Special Council in 2005, the following was adopted as an
interim international policy by the Executive Committee from the 2nd
December 2005 as recommended by EIA committee:



Interim International Policy 



In considering the provision of solidarity to colleagues abroad, the AUT
shall ensure that the main intention of any proposal is:



1   The protection and extension of academic freedom to teach, research, and
otherwise collaborate with fellow academics around the world



2   The protection and extension of trade union rights as defined by the ILO
within education, and the support of fellow trade unionists in their
practise of those rights.



In order to pursue this policy at international level, the commission
considers that action taken against institutions in other states needs to
be:



1                    Carefully thought through with a view to understanding
the purpose and outcomes.

2                    Developed as part of a wider campaign with support from
other external organisations.

3                    Capable of having an effect or creating an acceptable
result.



The commission believes that it is essential therefore to engage with other
organisations, particularly Education International, when considering
international greylisting or boycotting of institutions in other countries.



Mechanism



An international greylisting or boycotting of academic institutions needs
three elements.  First there has to be a trigger that sets up the activity.
Second there has to be a graded or stepped approach during which checks can
be made as to whether the action is being effective or whether it is
damaging collegial interests more than creating results.  Third, there must
be a practical possibility of generating activity to secure collective
support for effective action.







1        Trigger



The commission believes, after careful consideration, and noting that we are
not capable of policing the academic world in a pro-active way, that
triggers for actions leading to greylisting and boycott can only result from
a request from a legitimate organisation within the state, or within the
occupied territory or institution in question.  Legitimate organisations
would include a trade union movement, a recognised higher education union or
other representative organisation.  Exceptionally, a decision to impose
greylisting or boycotting might be taken following consultation with
Education International in circumstances where legitimate organisations
cannot be lawfully established within the state or institutions in question,
or in circumstances where institutions or branches of institutions, are
established in territories under unlawful occupation as defined by UN
resolutions.



It is recognised that this is a difficult area. We are aware of great wrongs
being committed throughout the world against colleagues in other countries.
But there is always a balance to be drawn between boycotting and damaging
those colleagues in the hope that the state will address the harm that it is
inflicting on academia, and the harm that the boycott itself inflicts on
academia.



2        A Graded Approach



The purpose of an international greylist or boycott of academic institutions
is to make either those institutions’ managements or the government of the
country concerned think again about their policies in relation to academic
issues and human rights.  A stepped or graded approach is, therefore,
recommended as the best way of creating the greatest response.  The
commission sees this as a gradual process starting with actions intended to
exert influence but leading ultimately to coercive action up to an including
a total boycott of all academic activity. 



(i)       A decision can be made by executive or council to impose an
international greylisting as a result of the trigger described above.  The
first action will be to notify the institution concerned that they are about
to be placed on a greylist, ie a list of censured institutions which will be
made public across the world.  The censuring of an institution will be
initially an alerting mechanism such that the international community
worldwide will be made aware that the AUT is concerned that the institution
is not abiding by generally recognised international standards of academic
freedom and human rights.  Censured institutions will be contacted and asked
to explain where they stand in relation to the issues on which concern is
being expressed. 



(ii)      On receipt of an explanation from those institutions, a judgement
will then be made as to whether it is appropriate to impose the sanction of
greylisting.



(iii)     If the decision is no then the institutions will not be greylisted
and the organisation triggering the action will be contacted with a view to
asking what other actions might be considered.



(iv)     If the explanation is not satisfactory or if there is no response,
then contact will be made with other national and international
organisations, in particular ETUC, TUC and Education International to
establish whether they are also considering action in relation to the
greylisting of the said institutions.



(v)      If there is a consensus that action needs to be taken, then AUT
will join with those organisations in developing a common approach to the
greylisting and boycotting of the institutions concerned. The common
approach must include a clear statement of what the institution must do to
secure the ending of sanctions.  Within that approach AUT will continue to
urge that regular checks are made as to the impact of the
greylisting/boycotting and the attitude of the institution’s management in
relation to the issue about which there is concern.



(vi)     Where there is no consensus among like-minded organisations and AUT
appears to be considering acting alone, then a further judgement will be
made as to whether this is acceptable. The triggering organisation will be
contacted to ascertain whether it is advantageous to their aims that AUT
continues to consider greylisting and boycotting in isolation. 



(vii)    In the event that AUT decides to take action in isolation, further
actions beyond greylisting will be considered by the national executive
committee and/or council.  These will be actions moving towards a full
academic boycott of the institution/s concerned, but such will not be
implemented without a further decision of Council. 



(viii)    In the event of sanctions being imposed, it is recommended that
AUT should establish an action committee in relation to the
greylisting/boycotting which draws up a programme of activities that are to
be boycotted.  AUT should communicate these proposed actions to the
institutions concerned and ask for a response.  In the event of a negative
response AUT should implement the agreed actions and issue appropriate
guidance to members.



(ix)     Throughout this process contact will be maintained with the
triggering organisation so that a judgement can be made as to the
appropriate time to end sanctions.
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