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Hebrew University
[Sociology Dept.] Moshe Zuckermann - A translate from German of "Internal lines separating"

We apologize for the poor translation.

14.05.2008 /

Internal lines separating
Documented. Israel today - facets of social reality
Moshe Zuckermann
The Rosa Luxemburg Foundation held on 14 April in their rooms the Berlin
Seminar "Israel, Palestine and the German left." The speakers were Gregor
Gysi, one of the two group chairmen of the Left Party in the Bundestag, and
the sociologist Moshe Zuckermann from Tel Aviv. agf documented in the
following Zuckermann verschriftliche version of his presentation to basic
structures of Israeli society.


The speeches about Israel in Germany is usually in the discourse about the
Shoah and the Middle East conflict embedded. Both "issues" have their full
entitlement: Whatever now on Israeli ideological Shoah commemoration has
been denied may not be that the Shoah is still a basic matrix of the
Israeli state must be considered foundation, which is also known to some
German history has to do. And the Middle East conflict, for structural and
standards world of Israeli reality of life, but also for the entire region
and with this political world for the state so crucial that the
consideration of Israel in this context as itself offers. And yet they are
- as always kontextgebundenen - internal structures and processes of
Israeli society simply too short. Thus, because the present primarily on
the inner coordinates of the Israeli community. The fact that these are not
of Israeli-Palestinian conflict off, and should certainly mitbedacht

Separation of state and religion

Unlike in the (Western) countries in which the civilian establishment of a
social order (sometimes in bloody civil war has become manifest) owed host
of internal conflicts, based the internal cohesion of Israeli society from
the beginning by a bloody confrontation with external enemies fed, In
addition, they have decades tabuisierten disposal and the inherent
contradictions inherent conflict these potentials. Although Israel is the
preservation of a comparison with other countries in the region formal
reasonably functio'ning democracy can boast, is its self-image as a "state
of the Jews" by the aporia of two incompatible with each other vectors: the
universal entitlement based on a modern, secular communities and much of
this unsustainable entitlement to archaic religious moments of the
particular zurckgreifenden justification of Zionism.

The fact that the raison d'etre of the state given hegemony of the Jews are
simply not tolerate with the civil claim of a "state of all its citizens."
Without therefore legally to be officially enshrined, in Israel live large
Arab minority in practice and in the context of established political
institutions to this day as it structurally as a category of second-class
citizens. This is not only in the normative angezweifelten legitimacy of
Arab parliamentarians as a coalition partner Zionist established parties in
crucial issues, such as the radical promotion of the peace process with the
Palestinians, but also to the discrimination against the Arab sector in the
development of its infrastructure, the distribution of state economic
resources and the general occupation of socially, politically, economically
and culturally important items of power and control positions.

It is certainly suspect that this state of affairs the most part of the
Jewish population of Israel would be largely unaffected, said aporia
implied no other serious, the Israeli Jews themselves problem, namely the
still unresolved issue of separation of state and religion. What so far
with the nebulous formula shortly before the National Foundation
established "status quo" so to speak under the carpet daily, recently
requires an increasingly urgent clarification. As the latest in the
assassination of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin on 4 November 1995
out, it is now in the confrontation between religious and as non-Jews in
Israel is no longer just about monopolized the administration of the civil
status and other problem areas of civil coexistence, but - at least, was
certain currents in nationalreligious camp is concerned - to legitimacy
base and Mode of the Jewish state itself. What is clear to the postulates
of the non-or anti-Zionist ultra-Orthodox as messianisches utopian thinking
may be exempt, wins at the Nationalreligious which the occupation of the
territories conquered 1967er war and subsequently collected on the claim of
annexation as a sign and the beginning of the messianic redemption of the
Jewish people interpret a very current political sensitivity.

Back to the question implies a divergence between strictly secular and
religious or theological unterftterter legitimacy of the State of the
unspoken criterion for the pending trial of the real - thus not only
proclaimed sloganhaft - Peace readiness of the Israeli population. Because
so far it must be assumed that the final settlement of the conflict with
the Palestinians with a clearance and inevitable return of the territories
by extremist Nationalreligious as part of the Jews divine Promised Land and
be taken, must go hand in hand, can not be excluded That in order to bloody
confrontation between radical, verweigernden the withdrawal of settlers and
the evacuation of Israel to set up military forces will come. It is not at
all identified as a major part of the Jewish population of Israel to such a
rigorous review of the game (also a state-sanctioned) use of violence
"against Jews, Jews" would react. Short, relatively innocuous sounding
sample from the past, which are not even significant violence came promise
in this respect not bode well.

The so-called Jewish

In addition, there is the discrepancy between the secular and religious
reasons matrix of the Jewish community an idea of the Israeli society even
in times of relative calm tension inhrierenden polarized existential
beliefs and orientations. The fact that this tension is not compatible with
the reference to similar forms of whatever sense of postmodern dismiss
multiculturalism can be explained mainly due to the fact that the so-called
Jewish where for issuing Jewish Zionist state, so far it is not religious
reasons, its contents for quite ambiguous, however. It is about more than
just traditional, in essence unreflektiertes Congress, where a large number
nichtglubiger Israeli Jews as "traditional" (ie certain religious rites,
customs and regulations einhaltend). For very many comes this
self-understanding is always an unspoken, only vorbewut current secular
sense of inferiority towards the "rich", "moral", "spiritually oriented"
World of religion, whose unbroken faith not only the Jewish people over
thousands of years "together", But are to this day alleged resistance to
confusion, chaos and immorality of the modern world gives. It is in fact
the peculiar form of a antiaufklrerischen (or at least aufklrungsmden)
pulse that the aporia their specific existence with great discomfort and
even more predatory encounter, a pulse, which deals with the
unhinterfragten, but with more emphatischerer Determination proclaimed
certainty that Israel must "Jewish" - or even a "state of the Jews" - must remain verschwistert white. The Ferdinand Tennies was outlined
Unwirtlichkeit of modern society, always with a (re-) combined longing for
community, manifested here as a fugitive from the former Diasporabewutsein1
still touched Community ideology, which is no longer under an "organic"
Life form oriented, rather abstract religious (or, in the full meaning of

fetischisierten orientation pseudoreligious's on
"traditional") is constituted. That is always a uneingestandene exclusion
of the "others" (especially its Arab appearance) formal, shows how complex
it comes to the predisposition for the development of a future civil
society in Israel is still ordered.

A second factor, in terms of community solidarity and civilian
self-understanding some may raise question marks, in the Jewish-Israeli
society virulierende moment of the ethnic. A major role played in the last
decade, increasing fading melting pot of the Zionist ideology. The sense of
enthusiasm for the pioneering spirit and the negation diasporischer
suffering borne collective experience of Jews in Israel initially as a
monolithic solidarity, their self-determination with the term "Israeli Jew"
as it covered, it was during the time of the ideologically homogeneous
identity perpetuierte licence by the increasingly coming to light his
blindness discrepancies social functio'n transferred. Not only was a
by-Jischuw structures of the state Vorgeschichte2 predisposed class divide
in the economic structure of Israeli society, but it was also obvious that
the unterbemittelten layers of the social hierarchy almost entirely from
oriental Jews zusammensetzten. The then since the early 90s by the
state-supported forced immigration of large masses of Russian Jews could be
a great success zionistischer politics and ideology and are marketed, was
nevertheless a Rest contribute to the feeling of distorted social and
economic priorities to strengthen and voices could even be the
establishment aschkenasi3 trying to proportions of the Jewish-Israeli
ethnic demography "in his favour" to manipulate.

Oriental - Aschkenasi

Whatever about this allegation may have been, we should not remove the
underlying their unmistakable resentment underestimated. It is precisely
that which in the past as the virtue of a (ideologically so transfigured)
unity and solidarity within the meaning of the "new Jews" or "Sabre" notes,
gradually beat in the eyes of many oriental Jews to the contrary, until
then completely in favour of a politically and socially powerful Israeli
society acting instrument of repression and discrimination interpreted.
Typically it does, that the interpretation patterns social-economic
disadvantage, for example, the outbreak of social unrest in Israeli slums
beginning of the 70s speisten, with the advent of postmodern interpretation
techniques and the accompanying normative with these shifting increasingly
politically explosive agitatorischer lost and to the (unequal fashion
attractive) level of cultural identity shifted losses. Not by chance did
many Israeli intellectuals Oriental descent in the 80 years of nothing more
than erbosen which, as they thought, "from above" or aschkenasi
holders of official positions of power systematically controlled
suppression of the so-called "Oriental Song" and its apparent exclusion
from the broadcasting programs of the mass media. Even in the late 90s, one
of its prominent representatives the "long way" to obtain a true peace, by
the Israeli and Palestinian workers in Israel ausbeutenden farms and small
towns in the Gaza Strip would lead to the same level with "the long road,
through the basement of the suppression of oriental culture in the state
and> private <broadcasters leads. " That it is also about verstieg, by the
"beautiful and sterile aschkenasi Left« could reason together,
testified on the one hand the emanzipativ oriented consciousness change,
which argued the so-oriental Jewish intellectuals have undergone, on the
other, but also how very ethnically charged (and worn by resentment) of
this strand of emancipation - and wants to be: The right to the Universal
justified through Partikulare. That is the real cause of social
discrimination (including entspringenden of their ethnic, racial Dnkels
yes), if not misunderstood, but so objectively to fall behind, just like
those served appear to be in the mass media much less generous "Oriental
Culture" (or kulturindustrielle marketing of a poppy incorporated into
"Oriental") from the pile, but to the real social problems and has just
raised the standard of living became more open social and economic
discrepancies more stable (sort of legitimacy kulturideologisch) to be

This will be wohlverstanden: That the ethnic identity ideological discourse
functio'nalized, must not conceal that there are very real
socio-psychological reasons for the in him coming to light discomfort of
many oriental Jews. The classic Zionist ideology, from the negation of the
slide Pori's abstract vision of a general Jewish solidarity derived,
ultimately manifested in a community that is - and historically quite
explained - from its beginning by the political, social, economic and
cultural hegemony of Establishments aschkenasi market. Much
Selbstschmeichelei ethnic, cultural arrogance and arrogance of the
"advanced" paarte is as honest intentioned mission passion, paternalistic
Besserwisserei paternalism and administrative practices of the socially and
politically objective H'hergestellten.

That is not only the oriental culture of ethnic groups, but also the
aschkenasi-old Yiddish world of Eastern European shtetl-Jewry under the
steamroller of the Zionist ideology of the "new Jews" was, said that beyond
diaspora cultures probably from the state-sanctioned, "Official" cultural
sphere chased, but not from the various eigengesetzlich vibrant life worlds
could be eliminated, so that ultimately the oriental culture with the more
Zionist than with the aschkenasi culture was in conflict - can (and
should) not the authentic feeling of historic humiliation and angestauter
anger, sustainable sensation perpetrated injustice and "open accounts" is
denied. Whether this unreflektiert nachtragendem resentment of
ethnocentrism fed a good social policy is, admittedly more than seems to be
questionable. Did the "melting pot"-the practice partly opposite of
Beabsichtigten reached by the "melting" process resulting into precisely
the critical awareness to the Zionist Integrierenden unfolded and
strengthened, it must not be forgotten that the menacing opening social
Ultimately divide not by even the most serious ethnic Dnkels appearances in
the past explained, so also by any ethnic strategy can be bridged.
Peace through local clearing
The only gerafft's portrayal of conflict axes, which will guide the future
development of a civilian social order in Israel at the present time
structurally stand in the way, is based on the principle possible
establishment of a lasting peace. It would be precisely through any such
final peace led abolition of external threat, a consistent Austragen and
management so far by the cohesion and unity of ideologies oppressed
possible conflict could have made. To the prospects of such a vital peace
for Israel, it is however poor. This has with developments outside of
Israel, not least with the tragedy of the internal Palestinian civil war to
do so, the Gaza Strip from the West Jordan torn country, thus also the
possibility of Palestinians to act politically closed, on the most

More than that, however, this concerns the political immobility, in which
Israel withdrew its occupation policy maneuvers: Where is the consistent
enforcement of a final peace plan, hence the withdrawal from the occupied
territories, it risked a political erosion in the country, whose
consequences are incalculable, Erosion, the radical insurgency practices
against the state through Israeli-Jewish Ultras certainly. Worse is
expected. Under If Israel but this has become more urgent than ever
withdrawal from Palestinian territories and thus indirectly decide the
continued dominance of the Palestinians, makes it, rather than nolens
volens, objectively a bi-national structure. There is, it IS in fact a
price for peace. The is not in the task of areas - these are the
self-understanding for the vast majority of Israelis is dispensable;
commonly referred to avoid the movement in them, if not the municipal work
group or military service they performed. The price or the risk of a
humanitarian clearance of areas accompanying peace (and without this
clearance is no peace to imagine) would be more threatening in the division
in society, it inevitably would.

We must not forget: The political left-right polarity in Israel has little
social, let alone klassenbestimmte content, it is almost exclusively on the
ideological question of willingness to vacate the areas or not. A
withdrawal from the occupied territories should all Israeli society
durchwirkenden manifest as deferred cracks in detail. Israel must because
if it wants peace. Because peace but it must be for their own survival.
Ideally Israel would be on the 60th Anniversary of its creation, that the
courage to protect its own existence aufbringe.

1 With "diaspora" are ethnic and religious groups, which, their
traditional homeland and among dissidents living (d. Red).

2 »Jischuw" is the Hebrew word for "inhabited land." Thus, the Jewish
population defined, before the National Foundation on 14 May 1948 lived in
Palestine (that is Red).

3 Aschkenasi are Jews in Western and Eastern Europe or the so-called
Western Judaism (d. Red).

The sociologist Professor Moshe Zuckermann has taught since 1990 at the
Cohn Institute for the History and Philosophy of Science and Ideas
(University of Tel Aviv) and was from 2000 to 2005 Director of the
Institute of German History in Tel Aviv. His most recent publication of his
"time of the lemmings. Aphorisms "



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    1.  Zuckermann comes to theorize
     From IB, Sent in 01-07-2008
    2.  bad translation of insightful depiction of inner-Israeli ten
     From fvg, Sent in 08-07-2008
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