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General Articles
Honaida Ghanim: Israeli Scholar of Arab Descent Recruited to Bash Israel
 
07.04.2020
Editorial Note 

 

The Israeli universities have provided academic opportunities to Palestinians.  But some have used it to besmirch Israel. 

 

Omar Barghouti, Nadera Shalhoub Kevorkian, Bashir Bashir, and Raif Zreik, among others, fit this category.   Dr. Honaida Ghanim, who received her Ph.D. with distinction from the Hebrew University in 2004, has joined this group as well.  She was a fellow at the Hebrew University, a  post-doctoral student at Harvard, and is often invited to Van-Leer Institute in JerusalemBy any measure, she had done very well in Israel

 

Since 2009, Ghanim has served as the general director of the Palestinian Forum of Israeli Studies (MADAR) in Ramallah. MADAR is registered as a not-for-profit organization with the Palestinian Ministry of Interior and has obtained a research center’s operational licensing from the Palestinian Ministry of Information. MADAR publishes a journal Qadaya Israeliya (Israeli Affairs)As such, MADAR mostly collects information that aims to present Israel in a negative light.

 

The current publication is dealing with the rising organized crime in Palestinian towns in Israel, which Ghanim co-edited. The journal discusses crime "Compared to a low rate in the Jewish community."  The journal notes this has to do with the police and thus Palestinians in Israel face a major dilemma: On the one hand, organized crime can only be confronted by the police, but on the other, the state and police are the problem, not the solution. Because the Israeli state has an interest in maintaining organized crime "as long as it affects Palestinian citizens only." The police are "taking advantage of and employing organized crime as a means to control and manipulate the Palestinian community."  Palestinians are compelled to call for police protection against organized crime, although they are "convinced that the Israeli police already oppress and alienate them.” 

 

In an article comparing Israel to apartheid South Africa, Ghanim claimed the two are not identical, but for both cases, the result is "oppressive" and characterized by "violations of the most basic human rights." In apartheid, the execution of military order and the racist law relies on the tyranny and oppression of entire populations. "For this reason, many have concluded that the occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip is far worse than apartheid."   She explains that the "Zionist colonial settler enterprise" which culminated in the establishment of Israel in 1948 and the expulsion of half of the Palestinians, since 1967, has "expanded to include all of Mandatory Palestine, hence turning the land west of the Jordan River, de facto, into a one binational space.” According to her, an entire population is held under military occupation in a space, which, in the past, was predominantly Palestinian. Currently, she claims, "residing in the occupied territories are two unequal populations that are physically segregated and overseen by two different systems of rule. One holds full citizenship and benefits from civic rights, whereas the second is subject to the whims of a civil administration." 

 

However, Ghanim concludes that establishing a Palestinian state in the West Bank represents a temporary solution "where quiet and a situation of non-violence is not sustainable long term." Because such a solution does not address the "settler colonial nature of the Israeli National Project;" the rights of indigenous people expelled in 1948; the colonization of space and continued expropriation of land; and "Jewish domination of the political arena under the guise of a Jewish and democratic state."

 

In another article about "the Nakba," Ghanim explained that "The Nakba is the disaster that befell the Palestinian people in 1948, after the Jewish forces (subsequently Israeli) had embarked on a massive operation of ethnic cleansing that aimed at ridding Palestine of its indigenous population, in order to found on its land a nation-state for the Jews. The cleansing operations resulted in the expulsion of half the Palestinian population from historic Palestine." When the fighting broke out from November 1947 until November 1948, "the Palestinians were not adequately equipped for it. The Arab combat troops were composed mainly of irregular forces of local and other Arab volunteers." While "The Zionist military forces has been estimated at 62,000 men, some of whom had previously served in the British and other European armies, and were highly trained."  Soon after, "work began on drafting 'Plan D' (Dalet) for the ethnic cleansing of Palestine. The plan aimed to seize areas intended for founding the Jewish state, and to 'cleanse' them of their Palestinian inhabitants." She details fighting by Irgun, Haganah, Palmach, Stern Gang, Givati Brigade, Alexandroni Brigade, but brings no account to the Arab fighting.  She ends by disclosing that "the majority of Palestinians continue to live in hope of returning home, even if that home has been reduced to a pile of dust.”   

 

Clearly, Ghanem is not a historian, she mentions the Balfour Declaration but fails to mention the San Remo Resolution agreed by the post-World War I Allied Powers in 1920. The League of Nation resolved that Syria and Mesopotamia shall be recognized as independent states and that the British Mandate will be responsible for putting into effect the Balfour Declaration in favor of the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people. Adding that, "it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country." The Following year Jordan was established in Palestine as a gift to the Emir Abdullah for the Great Arab Revolt. The current Palestinian People were part of the non-Jewish communities in Palestine.  

The main problem lies with Ghanim's conclusion, that, establishing a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza is a temporary solution, because Palestinians will never accept a "Jewish domination of the political arena under the guise of a Jewish and democratic state." 

This type of scholarship is not 'critical,' it solely aims to debunk Israel for political purposes.



 

 

 


https://www.madarcenter.org/en/journal-israeli-affairs/israeli-affairs-issue-no-77

Israeli Affairs (Issue no. 77)

a worrisome and pressing concern among Palestinians in Israel:

Editor: Raif Zureik, Nabil al-Saleh, Honaida Ghanem
Preparation: Mahmoud Fataftah, Asad Ghanem, Jasmin Habib and Amir Locker-Biletzki, Khaled Abu Asbe, Jamal Zahalka, Weam Baloum, Suha Arraf, Lev Grinberg, Sami Miaari, Reda Jaber
Number of Pages: 130
ISBN: 978_9950_03_029_9
Date of update: Monday, 20 April 2020
Price: $0.00

A new issue of Qadaya Israeliya
A special issue on Violence and Crime among Palestinians in Israel

Ramallah: The Palestinian Forum for Israeli Studies (MADAR) has recently released Issue 77 of Qadaya Israeliya (Israeli Affairs). Titled “Palestinians in Israel: Violence, Crime and Organised Crime”, this issue monitors the scale and reflections of violence and crime in Israel, provides an analysis of the relevant socio-political and educational context, and unveils the role the confused relationship with the Police and state institutions play in nurturing this phenomenon.

In his contribution, “Violence within the Palestinian Community in Israel: Towards a Theoretical and Practical Treatment”, Asad Ghanim is of the view that a theoretical background is a first step towards offering an integrated treatment and contributing to devising comprehensive solutions. If implemented, these may control escalating violence and probably take our community back to “a normal state” of violence and crime.

“Organised Crime within the Palestinian Community in Israel” by Suha Arraf investigates organised crime as a special phenomenon. Organised crime has it owns distinctive features that differ from ordinary crime and violence in general. According to Arraf, “[w]hen speaking about organised crime, we are faced by a hierarchical and complex socioeconomic construct, which has a an administrative system and organisational structure. In addition to seeking material gains, members of organised crime gangs attempt to penetrate into the social and economic fabric and maintain a socioeconomic status.”

Sami Miari analyses models of crime within various religious and ethnic groups in Israel. In his article, “Explaining Crime within the Palestinian Community in Israel: Socioeconomic vs. Cultural Factors”, Miari places a special focus on the difference between crime rates among the Israeli-Jewish majority and Palestinian minority, as well as peculiar characteristics that impact models of crime within the Palestinian community.

In “School Violence in the Arab Education System: Its Causes, Prevention and Tackling”, Khaled Abu Asabah examines the phenomenon of school violence which, as in other areas, is increasingly escalating. Abu Asabah also examinesrelevant social, economic, political and psychological factors. Violence risk factors need to be investigated. To ensure violence prevention, strategies will be developed to cope with the underlying factors of violence.

Ridha Jaber’s “Violence and Crime within the Palestinian Community in Israel: Social and Political Contexts” attempts to deconstruct three complex systems, each providing a main source to help understand and explain the recent surge of violence and crime within the Palestinian community in Israel. These include the social system; regime of the state and state institutions, particularly law enforcement agencies; and Palestinian individuals’ relationship with one another and with their milieu.

In another context, “Settler Disunity: Examining Israel’s Political Stalemate”, an article by Lev Grinberg, analyses Israel’s electoral deadlock through the lens of its settler-colonial project. It looks at how the ruling elite’s secular but supremacist national identity disintegrated over time, giving rise to a number of antagonistic communities, which have increasingly become harder to bring together into a viable coalition.

On the latest developments to liquidate the question of Palestine, Jamal Zahalka explores “How Israel Reads the Deal of the Century”. Zahalka monitors the risks posed by translating, investing and exploiting the Deal of the Century politically, on the ground, and in the war on narrative. The latter is no less fierce than a real war. According to Zahalka, Israel’s translation of the Deal of the Century is the most important because Israel seizes control of the land and is effectively making use of the place to make gains.

This issue of Qadaya Israeliya also features “Communism Stands and Sings: Nationalism and Singing in Ron’s Choir”, a contribution by Jasmin Habib and Amir Locker-Biletzki. This article sheds light on the music of Israeli communists in the 1950s and attempts to answer the question: ‘How has the national identity of communists reflected on their music and poetry?’
In his study of “Brazilian-Israeli Relations”, Mahmoud al-Fataftah explores Israel’s relations with one of South America’s most significant countries, namely, Brazil. Al-Fataftah reviews the positions and changes to both states’ relations from the 1940s until the Brazilian far right came to power and allied with Israel’s right wing.

“From the Archive” presents a translation [into Arabic] of a 1977 plan developed by Gush Emunim for settlement expansion in the occupied Palestinian territory. “Library” provides a preview of most recent Israeli publications.

This issue is being published in the aftermath of a third round of elections in Israel and against the backdrop of the coronavirus (COVID 19) crisis. No one knows how both crises will come to an end. Although the COVID 19 crisis is hard, real and serious, the majority believe it will be transient. This is not the case of political trends and crises in Israel, however. Apparently, the political crisis involves an inability to form a government and putting Netanyahu on trial. Essentially, the question concerns the position, status and legitimacy of the presence of Palestinians in Israel, the scope of political action allowed to Palestinians, and the future and identity of Israel. While the government deadlock may be instantaneous, political stalemate does not appear as such. Still, we opted for postponing a focus on these topics as relevant discussions lag behind unfolding events. Once there is a clearer picture, an investigation would be meaningful and feasible.

The main theme of this issue revolves around a worrisome and pressing concern among Palestinians in Israel: violence in general, and organised crime in particular. The latter poses a real risk because it attempts to reshape community concepts, reorganise economic and social forces, and rearrange spaces of influence and control within the Palestinian community in Israel. Organised crime is not just a haphazard accumulation of incidents of murder or assaults. Rather, these acts are being transformed and exercised as part of a social and economic system, shifting from a construct that seeks to impose its values and tools on society at large.

Compared to a low rate in the Jewish community, organised crime is on the rise among Palestinians in Israel. This suggests that something structural has to do with the police and policing priorities, rather than police capacities. Palestinians in Israel face a major dilemma. On one hand, they are convinced that organised crime cannot be confronted without a crucial decision from the police. On the other, there is a growing conviction that the state and police are not the solution, but the problem in the first place. The state has an interest in maintaining organised crime as long as it affects Palestinian citizens only. There are sufficient reasons to believe that the police are taking advantage of and employing organised crime as a means to control and manipulate the Palestinian community.

This issue brings together many experts and a range of views. Providing an in-depth review, we seek to grasp this phenomenon from several angles, including the economy, role of schools, and education system as a model. Articles include reviews of the tools and techniques of struggle, which the Palestinian leadership in Israel use to counter crime and assess this experience. At any rate, it can be argued that addressing organised crime in Israel is indicative of a major problem, which reflects the complex situation of Palestinians in Israel. Though convinced that the Israeli police already oppress and alienate them, Palestinians are compelled to call for police protection against organised crime. An examination of this complexity in explicit detail provides an excellent entry point to realising the nature of Israel and nature of political action among Palestinians in Israel.    

 

=================================================

https://www.madarcenter.org/en/research/political-research/israel-and-the-apartheid  

Israel and the Apartheid: a comparative study

Editor: Honaida Ghanim,Azzar Dakwar
Preparation: Honaida Ghanim,Raif Zreik,Azzar Dakwar,Ayman Ighbaria,Mohannad Mustafa,Sawsan Zahr,Yousef Jabareen,Ahmad Atrah,Suhail Khalilieh,Razi Nabulsi,Atef Abu-Saif,Hadeel Badarneh,Abdel-Ghani,Salameh,Majd Kayyal,Antone Shulhat
Number of Pages: 374
ISBN: 978-9950-03-009-1
Date of update: Thursday, 03 May 2018
Price: $10.00

MADAR Publishes Israel and Apartheid: Comparative Studies

Ramallah – The Palestinian Forum for Israeli Studies (MADAR) has recently published Israel and Apartheid: Comparative Studies. Authored by several scholars, the book offers a collection of studies and articles, which attempt to explore analogies, differences and intersections between control systems within the apartheid and Israeli regimes. As an approach, the contributions take into account the distinct contexts of persecution, control and political projections.

Comprising 374 papers, Israel and Apartheid: Comparative Studies is edited by Honaida Ghanim and Azar Dakwar. In addition to the editors, contributors include Ayman Ighbariyyeh, Muhannad Mustafa, Sawsan Zaher, Yousef Jabarin, Ahmed al-Atrash, Suheil Khaliliyyeh, Razi Nabulsi, Atef Abu Seif, Hadeel Badarneh, Abdul Ghani Salameh, Majd Kayyal, and Antoine Shulhut.

The book contains five chapters, each including a number of articles that shed light on different of aspects of the theme of the book.

Titled “Between Apartheid, Settler Colonialism and Military Occupations: Problematic Approach and Comparison," Chapter 1 includes two articles on the analogies and differences between the apartheid and Israeli regimes, problematic approach and comparison, and political economy. In her article, “The Complex Framing of a Hybrid Regime: The Dialectic of Settler Colonialism, Occupation and Apartheid in Palestine”, Honaida Ghanim explores the problematic comparison between the South African apartheid regime and Israel’s governance system. According to Ghanim, the situation in Palestine is complex and involves multi-layered tools of governance, administration and control. These are functionally used to eternalise the structure of the Jewish nation state.

Raef Zureiq and Adel Dakwar examine a set of differences and analogies between apartheid in South Africa and the current context in Palestine/Israel. The article is informed by a
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