05.02.25
Editorial Note
In November 2024, a group called “Volunteer Middle East Scholars” published an Appeal. It expressed “concern over the worsening Gaza crisis and the escalation of the Israeli war and called for action from the Japanese government and the international community.”
The group stated, “The situation in Gaza, Palestine, is catastrophic. As a result of Israel’s all-out attack and indiscriminate killing of civilians, at least 43,000 people have died since October last year. (According to an estimate published in the British medical journal The Lancet based on data up to June this year, the death toll, including bodies still buried in rubble and related deaths, is more than 180,000.) 90% of the residents have lost their homes. Supplies of food, water, fuel, and medicine have also been cut off, and hunger is spreading. Hospitals, schools, and refugee camps have also been subject to relentless attacks, and currently, particularly in northern Gaza, horrific scenes are emerging, such as the siege, massacre, and forced relocation of residents. Furthermore, the Israeli parliament has passed a law that effectively bans the activities of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), which has supported the lives of the Palestinian people in Gaza and elsewhere, and extreme situations are occurring in which the right to life itself is openly denied.”
For the group, “The recognition that this is an unmistakable case of ‘genocide’ (mass annihilation) is spreading, and in response to a lawsuit filed by South Africa and other countries alleging that the situation in Gaza is a violation of the 1948 Genocide Convention, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) issued provisional measures (orders) in January 2024 calling for the “taking of all measures to prevent genocide.” In response, the UN Human Rights Council passed a resolution in April of the same year calling for an arms embargo on Israel. Furthermore, Gaza and the West Bank have been under Israeli occupation since 1967, and have continued to control the area for 57 years, ignoring successive UN resolutions calling for Israeli withdrawal. The world is beginning to share the view that the root of the situation is the problem of ‘occupation’.”
They continued, “In parallel with the Gaza crisis, violence against Palestinians in the West Bank has also intensified. In July 2024, the ICJ issued an advisory opinion calling for an end to Israel’s occupation of Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem as illegal, and in September of the same year, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution (supported by Japan) calling for an end to the occupation within one year. Although international criticism is growing, Israel continues to slaughter and destroy in Gaza without heeding it, and more recently, it has even shown signs of ‘expanding the front line’ by invading Lebanon again, which it once invaded and occupied parts of, and by provoking and attacking Iran. In particular, in Lebanon, indiscriminate attacks have resulted in many civilians being killed and forced to flee, and there is even a danger that Lebanon will become ‘a second Gaza’ (as expressed by the UN Secretary-General).”
According to the group, “As in the case of Gaza, Israel’s military operations are based on ‘self-defense,’ but these wars, which are being waged under the name of ‘the struggle of civilization against barbarism’ (Prime Minister Netanyahu’s speech at the US Congress), can also be said to be an attempt to create a ‘new Middle East’ order in which Israel will bring the entire Middle East under its influence, backed by its powerful military and the support of the United States. If such outrageous and expansionist actions, which use force to invade neighboring countries under the pretext of self-defense and ensuring security, are permitted, the countries surrounding Israel will lose both their sovereignty and peace in the future. The Netanyahu government’s stance of continuing massacres and war in disregard of international law — the same path Japan walked in the 1930s that led to the world war — destroys the very order based on the UN Charter and international law, and ultimately brings not only the Middle East but the entire world to the brink of destruction.”
They argued, “Regarding the situation in Gaza, when citizens, intellectuals, or politicians in the West speak out against the war, they are criticized and attacked as ‘anti-Semitism,’ but as shown by Jewish citizens in the United States and other countries who say, ‘This is not our war,’ and by the fact that there is also a movement of citizens in Israel who criticize the government and call for an end to the war, it is a mistake to equate the Israeli government with the Jews. Rather, we need to be aware of the problematic nature of the label ‘anti-Semitism’ being used as a device to silence international public opinion against the war.”
The group urged the following:
“1. An international arms embargo against Israel. Respect the provisional measures of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the resolutions of the United Nations Human Rights Council and refrain from exporting or providing arms to Israel.
2. Increasing international pressure to give effect to UN General Assembly and UN Security Council resolutions calling for a ceasefire, including the UN “Unite for Peace” initiative against Israel’s continued expansion of the war.
3. Implement and expand humanitarian assistance to Gaza as soon as possible. Strengthen international criticism and pressure against the outrageous decision to ban the activities of UNRWA, a UN agency, and demand that it be revoked. Condemn the fact that UN agencies and personnel have been targeted for attack and killing, and that their activities are being hindered.
4. End the Occupation: Increase international pressure to end the Israeli occupation of Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem and to remove settlements, in accordance with the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice and UN General Assembly resolutions.
5. The international community should clearly support the realization of the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination, the establishment of an independent Palestinian state and its membership in the United Nations, in order to show the way to a fundamental, peaceful and comprehensive resolution of the issue.
6. Consider imposing sanctions (economic and diplomatic) if Israel does not comply with international demands for abiding by international law, a ceasefire and an end to the occupation.”
In addition, the group requested from their government the following:
“7. The Japanese government should request the above measures 1 to 6 from other foreign governments, especially the US and other governments that continue to provide military aid and weapons to, and support, Israel.
8. Suspension of exchanges and cooperation between defense (military) authorities between Japan and Israel, including cessation of arms procurement from Israel, sharing of military technology, and joint development of weapons.
9. Review economic cooperation with Israel. Do not enter into an economic partnership agreement.
10. Review of diplomatic relations with Israel. The Japanese government has already mentioned the possibility of reconsidering its policy toward Israel if Israel does not comply with its demands for withdrawal from the 1967 occupied territories and respect for the rights of the Palestinian people, but the current situation of Israel’s violations of international law and human rights violations has become far more serious than it was then. The international community bears a grave responsibility for ignoring and condoning the ongoing situations in Gaza, the West Bank, Lebanon, etc.”
The 16 participants behind this call are: Masato Iizuka (Tokyo University of Foreign Studies), Satoshi Ukai (Hitotsubashi University), Akira Usuki (Japan Women’s University), Tetsuya Ohtoshi (Waseda University), Mari Oka (Waseda University), Tadashi Okanouchi (Hosei University), Yoshiko Kurita (Chiba University), Hidemitsu Kuroki (Tokyo University of Foreign Studies), Keiko Sakai (Chiba University), Eiji Nagasawa (University of Tokyo), Misako Nagasawa (writer), Eisuke Naramoto (Hosei University), Shuji Hosaka (Institute of Energy Economics, Japan), Toru Miura (Ochanomizu University), Tomoko Yamagishi (Meiji University), Kaoru Yamamoto (Keio University).
According to the group, a total number of supporters was 1,380, as of December 22, 2024. “Of these, 1,175 individuals can have their names made public, and 205 individuals cannot have their names made public.”
This appeal is the third, the first was published in October 2023, and the second in December 2023.
These scholars are also behind a new Japanese book, Gaza Nakba 2023–2024: Background, Context, Consequences, published by Springer in January 2025. Profs. Hiroyuki Suzuki and Keiko Sakai are the editors.
The Preface, written by the editors in May 2024, states, “Japan voted in favor of Palestine’s full membership in the UN. Despite the government’s passive and somewhat slow reaction to this crisis, NGO activists and academics in Japan were quick to respond—the Middle East Institute of Japan held online workshops on the current situation on October 16 and November 7; the Japan Institute for International Affairs and Japan’s Institute of Energy Economics did so on October 19, as did the Japan International Volunteer Center (JVC) and Human Rights Now on October 20, independently from each other. On October 17, several prominent scholars specializing in the Middle East, including current and former presidents of the Japan Association of Middle East Studies, issued an appeal to stop the War. They urged an immediate ceasefire and humanitarian support for Gaza, and asked ‘the international community, including the Japanese government,’ to commit to ‘the solution of the present crisis by peaceful and political means.’ Their appeal attracted about 5000 supporters by the first half of January 2024.”
The editors of the book, Suzuki and Sakai, held a workshop “Considering the Gaza conflict: What will happen to Israel, Palestine, and the international community?” on November 16 at the University of Tokyo. “The one-day workshop was attended by more than 100 participants in person, and 200 online. A keynote presentation by Suzuki was followed by presentations from the following young scholars: Hiroshi Yasui, Kensuke Yamamoto, and Koji Horinuki, all of whom specialize in Area Studies on the Arab region, with a contribution also from senior scholars in International Relations, namely, Ai Kihara-hunt and Kiichi Fujiwara, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo.”
According to the editors, “NGO activists were also with us, such as Yoshiko Tanaka from Campaign for the Children of Palestine. This workshop was the impetus for the publication of this volume. Kaoru Yamamoto, who played the role of moderator in the workshop, agreed to contribute a chapter on Palestinian hip-hop culture. Yasuyuki Matsunaga joined the discussion from the floor, and added perspectives from Iran and other anti-Israeli networks. Ryoji Tateyama, a leading scholar on Israel/Palestinian conflicts during the past 40 years, kindly accepted our invitation to contribute his paper. From out of Japan, Rawia Altaweel, who has been witnessing the daily escalation of conflicts in Beirut since the conflict occurred, contributed a chapter.”
The book editors stated, “We owe a great deal of acknowledgment to many of our colleagues in Middle East studies, among them Eiji Nagasawa, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo, and Akifumi Ikeda, former president of Toyo Eiwa University, who provided valuable comments and helpful advice on our book project. Support and assistance from scholars of Palestinian issues, such as Aiko Nishikida, Akira Usuki, Eisuke Naramoto, Mouin Rabbani and Ronni Shaked are also gratefully acknowledged, not to mention the scholars in International Relations such as AtsushiIshida, Larbi Sadiki,and Layla Saleh, as well as historians such as Hidemitsu Kurokiand Ussama Makdisi. Our work was supported not only by academic scholars but also by humanitarian aid workers: Mai Namiki, former staff member of JVC Palestine, cooperated with us and worked very hard to make a strong appeal to the Japanese government to support Gaza. Lastly, but not the least, a big, special thanks goes to Ms. Juno Kawakami, a senior editor of Springer, who encouraged us to edit this volume. Without her constant support, it would not have been possible to publish this book within less than a year after the conflict occurred. We also owe financial and logistic support to JSPS Kakenhi Kiban A Project and the University of Tokyo Centre for Middle Eastern Studies.”
The book editors added, “At this last moment of editing this volume (May 23, 2024), the latest mediation efforts have failed due to Israel’s refusal of a ceasefire, and Israel has further escalated military attacks on Rafah, the last refuge of the people of Gaza. As the UN Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People held a commemorative Panel Discussion under the title of “1948-2024: The Ongoing Palestinian Nakba” on May 17, it is now widely recognized that the Nakba, the expulsion and annihilation of the Palestinians from the land of Palestine in 1948, has not yet been completed, but continues and is increasing in cruelty till this moment. The foreseeable future is very bleak; the only hope is to believe that after such serious destruction fundamental reform will come and, with it, a genuine and comprehensive transformation of the international order.”
Not surprisingly, the anti-Israel History Professor Juan Cole endorsed the book. “This book is essential for anyone who wants a fresh and expert consideration of the Israel-Palestine-Gaza issue, which avoids the often-parochial stereotypes that attend it in the West, and which views it through a global lens.”
These anti-Israel sentiments in Japan are worrisome. The group of Japanese Middle East scholars allowed Palestinian and Iranian propaganda to infiltrate their field without providing a balanced view. They even received a government grant to publish the book. While anti-Israel activism in Western academic circles has recently received heightened scrutiny, the role of the Middle East Study Accusation (MESA) and allied groups in mobilizing anti-Israel non-Western scholars has been overlooked.
The Japanese scholars do not mention Hamas‘s heinous attack on Israeli citizens, including murder, rape, and hostage-taking. The scholars have nothing to say about Hamas’s radical embedding within the civilian population, including hospitals, mosques, schools, and other public spaces, turning non-combatants into human shields. Embedding is forbidden by international humanitarian law, something that the Japanese scholars chose to ignore.
REFERENCES:
Volunteer Middle East Scholars
Concerned about the situation in Gaza and calling for an immediate ceasefire and humanitarian assistance
Appeal from Middle Eastern researchers
Statement expressing concern over the worsening Gaza crisis and the escalation of the Israeli war, and calling for action from the Japanese government and the international community ( third report)
The situation in Gaza, Palestine, is catastrophic. As a result of Israel’s all-out attack and indiscriminate killing of civilians, at least 43,000 people have died since October last year. (According to an estimate published in the British medical journal The Lancet based on data up to June this year, the death toll, including bodies still buried in rubble and related deaths, is more than 180,000.) 90% of the residents have lost their homes. Supplies of food, water, fuel, and medicine have also been cut off, and hunger is spreading. Hospitals, schools, and refugee camps have also been subject to relentless attacks, and currently, particularly in northern Gaza, horrific scenes are emerging, such as the siege, massacre, and forced relocation of residents. Furthermore, the Israeli parliament has passed a law that effectively bans the activities of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), which has supported the lives of the Palestinian people in Gaza and elsewhere, and extreme situations are occurring in which the right to life itself is openly denied.
The recognition that this is an unmistakable case of “genocide” (mass annihilation) is spreading, and in response to a lawsuit filed by South Africa and other countries alleging that the situation in Gaza is a violation of the 1948 Genocide Convention, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) issued provisional measures (orders) in January 2024 calling for the “taking of all measures to prevent genocide.” In response, the UN Human Rights Council passed a resolution in April of the same year calling for an arms embargo on Israel.
Furthermore, Gaza and the West Bank have been under Israeli occupation since 1967, and have continued to control the area for 57 years, ignoring successive UN resolutions calling for Israeli withdrawal. The world is beginning to share the view that the root of the situation is the problem of “occupation.” In parallel with the Gaza crisis, violence against Palestinians in the West Bank has also intensified. In July 2024, the ICJ issued an advisory opinion calling for an end to Israel’s occupation of Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem as illegal, and in September of the same year, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution (supported by Japan) calling for an end to the occupation within one year.
Although international criticism is growing, Israel continues to slaughter and destroy in Gaza without heeding it, and more recently, it has even shown signs of “expanding the front line” by invading Lebanon again, which it once invaded and occupied parts of, and by provoking and attacking Iran. In particular, in Lebanon, indiscriminate attacks have resulted in many civilians being killed and forced to flee, and there is even a danger that Lebanon will become “a second Gaza” (as expressed by the UN Secretary-General). As in the case of Gaza, Israel’s military operations are based on “self-defense,” but these wars, which are being waged under the name of “the struggle of civilization against barbarism” (Prime Minister Netanyahu’s speech at the US Congress), can also be said to be an attempt to create a “new Middle East” order in which Israel will bring the entire Middle East under its influence, backed by its powerful military and the support of the United States. If such outrageous and expansionist actions, which use force to invade neighboring countries under the pretext of self-defense and ensuring security, are permitted, the countries surrounding Israel will lose both their sovereignty and peace in the future. The Netanyahu government’s stance of continuing massacres and war in disregard of international law — the same path Japan walked in the 1930s that led to the world war — destroys the very order based on the UN Charter and international law, and ultimately brings not only the Middle East but the entire world to the brink of destruction.
Regarding the situation in Gaza, when citizens, intellectuals, or politicians in the West speak out against the war, they are criticized and attacked as “anti-Semitism (= anti-Semitism),” but as shown by Jewish citizens in the United States and other countries who say, “This is not our war,” and by the fact that there is also a movement of citizens in Israel who criticize the government and call for an end to the war, it is a mistake to equate the Israeli government with the Jews. Rather, we need to be aware of the problematic nature of the label “anti-Semitism” being used as a device to silence international public opinion against the war.
Since the outbreak of the crisis in October of last year, we, a group of Middle East researchers, have already issued appeals for an immediate ceasefire, release of hostages, relief for Gaza, and compliance with international law, and have made recommendations for a peaceful resolution to the problem. However, a year has passed and the situation has become even more serious. With the war now spreading across the entire Middle East, it is now urgent for the international community to take determined action to stop the killing and war, and we believe that Japan itself must play its role in this process. Therefore, we once again make the following appeals.
1. An international arms embargo against Israel. Respect the provisional measures of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the resolutions of the United Nations Human Rights Council and refrain from exporting or providing arms to Israel.
2. Increasing international pressure to give effect to UN General Assembly and UN Security Council resolutions calling for a ceasefire, including the UN “Unite for Peace” initiative against Israel’s continued expansion of the war.
3. Implement and expand humanitarian assistance to Gaza as soon as possible. Strengthen international criticism and pressure against the outrageous decision to ban the activities of UNRWA, a UN agency, and demand that it be revoked. Condemn the fact that UN agencies and personnel have been targeted for attack and killing, and that their activities are being hindered.
4. End the Occupation: Increase international pressure to end the Israeli occupation of Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem and to remove settlements, in accordance with the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice and UN General Assembly resolutions.
5. The international community should clearly support the realization of the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination, the establishment of an independent Palestinian state and its membership in the United Nations, in order to show the way to a fundamental, peaceful and comprehensive resolution of the issue.
6. Consider imposing sanctions (economic and diplomatic) if Israel does not comply with international demands for abiding by international law, a ceasefire and an end to the occupation.
Additionally, we request the following, in particular, from the Government of Japan:
7. The Japanese government should request the above measures 1 to 6 from other foreign governments, especially the US and other governments that continue to provide military aid and weapons to, and support, Israel.
8. Suspension of exchanges and cooperation between defense (military) authorities between Japan and Israel, including cessation of arms procurement from Israel, sharing of military technology, and joint development of weapons.
9. Review economic cooperation with Israel. Do not enter into an economic partnership agreement.
10. Review of diplomatic relations with Israel. The Japanese government has already mentioned the possibility of reconsidering its policy toward Israel if Israel does not comply with its demands for withdrawal from the 1967 occupied territories and respect for the rights of the Palestinian people (Chief Cabinet Secretary Nikaido’s statement in 1973), but the current situation of Israel’s violations of international law and human rights violations has become far more serious than it was then.
The international community bears a grave responsibility for ignoring and condoning the ongoing situations in Gaza, the West Bank, Lebanon, etc. We, Middle East researchers, would like to work in solidarity and cooperation with the citizens of Japan and around the world to stop the bloodshed as soon as possible, restore humanity, and achieve a just peace.
November 7, 2024
Caller:
The 16 participants are: Masato Iizuka (Tokyo University of Foreign Studies), Satoshi Ukai (Hitotsubashi University), Akira Usuki (Japan Women’s University), Tetsuya Ohtoshi (Waseda University), Mari Oka (Waseda University), Tadashi Okanouchi (Hosei University), Yoshiko Kurita (Chiba University), Hidemitsu Kuroki (Tokyo University of Foreign Studies), Keiko Sakai (Chiba University), Eiji Nagasawa (University of Tokyo), Misako Nagasawa (writer), Eisuke Naramoto (Hosei University), Shuji Hosaka (Institute of Energy Economics, Japan), Toru Miura (Ochanomizu University), Tomoko Yamagishi (Meiji University), Kaoru Yamamoto (Keio University)
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Total number of supporters: 1,380
Of these, 1,175 individuals can have their names made public, and 205 individuals cannot have their names made public.
(As of 11:00 on December 22, 2024)
what’s new
NEWThe number of signatories to the Third Appeal has been updated (January 7, 2025)
If you agree, please fill out the form
The Third Appeal in English (Nov 7, 2024)
We participated in and cooperated with the statement and candlelight action, “Cease the fire, now.”
Gaza , Palestine and Israel basic information posted
Palestine/Israel related literature guide now available
1st Appeal 2nd Appeal 1st Appeal (English) 1st Appeal (Arabic) / مناشدة عربية
Activity ReportsMedia CoverageNEWInformation Sharing NEW Domestic and International Reactions
Contact: Middle East Scholars Volunteer Appeal Office/
Japanese ME Studies Researchers’ Appeal Office
Email address: meresearchersgaza[at]gmail.com * [at]=@
Website: https://sites.google.com/view/meresearchersgaza
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Preface
On October 5, 2023, Hiroyuki Suzuki and Keiko Sakai, editors of this book, organized a memorial workshop for the 50th anniversary of the “Oil Shock” caused by the Arab oil embargo as a result of the October War in 1973.[1] This had been, at the time, a turning point for Japan’s diplomatic policy as it shifted toward taking a pro-Arab and pro-Palestinian stance. This was clearly expressed in the Statement by Chief Cabinet Secretary Susumu Nikaido on November 22, 1973 that “the government of Japan, deploring Israel’s continued occupation of Arab territories, urges Israel to comply with the principles of: the inadmissibility of acquisition and occupation of territory by force, the withdrawal of Israeli forces from all the territories occupied in the 1967 war, respect for the integrity and security of territories of all countries in the region and the need of guarantees to that end, the recognition of and respect for the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations (UN) in bringing about a just and lasting peace in the Middle East.”[2] Though Japan’s pro-Arab shift was mocked by media as “Pro-Arab means Pro-‘Abura’ (‘oil’ in Japanese),”3 the result was not only a strengthening of JapanArab diplomatic relationships but also a vast increase in business opportunities for Japanese private companies in the Arab market.
The workshop in October 2023 included several academic presentations on the impact of “Oil Shock” on the world economy and global politics, and a heated discussion on Japan’s role in the Middle East during the past half-century. ExAmbassador to UAE, Iraq and Egypt, Kunio Katakura, one of the Arabist diplomats who were fully involved in the diplomatic mission to oil-producing Arab countries, reflected on those days and how hard and painstaking the negotiations were, especially given the pressure from the US administration.
OurdiscussionsrevolvedaroundwhetherJapanpayssufficientconcerntotherisks related to oil supply and whether it is serious enough about maintaining positive and constructive relations with the Arab countries.
Two days after we were considering the importance of the lessons learnt from the “shock” half a century ago, we were suddenly given another “shock”: Hamas’ attack on Israel and Israel’s acts of reprisal against Gaza. It was a more serious and fundamental “shock” not only for the region but for the whole world.
The Japanese government was quick to express its concern about the escalation of the conflict, condemning Hamas’ acts of abduction and violence. Nevertheless, of more than 50 messages and statements, none included any positive proposals for securing a ceasefire or eternal peace in this region. It did not give a supportive vote to the UN Security Council (UNSC) resolutions for the ceasefire proposed by Russia on October 16 and 25, 2023 and it abstained from the UN General Assembly ( UNGA ) resolution on October 27, 2023 that called for a humanitarian truce. Moreover, Japan suspended its contributions to UNRWA after allegations of UNRWA staff being involved in Hamas activities. It wasn’t until April 2, 2024 that Japan announced that it would resume funding to UNRWA. In the April UNSC and the May UNGA, Japan voted in favor of Palestine’s full membership in the UN.
Despite the government’s passive and somewhat slow reaction to this crisis, NGO activists and academics in Japan were quick to respond—the Middle East Institute of Japan held online workshops on the current situation on October 16 and November 7 ; theJapanInstituteforInternationalAffairsandJapan’sInstituteofEnergyEconomics did so on October 19, as did the Japan International Volunteer Center (JVC) and Human Rights Now on October 20, independently from each other. On October 17, several prominent scholars on the Middle East, including current and former presidents of the Japan Association of Middle East Studies, issued an appeal to stop the War, calling for immediate ceasefire and humanitarian support for Gaza,[3]and asked “the international community, including the Japanese government,” to commit to “the solution of the present crisis by peaceful and political means.” Their appeal attracted about 5000 supporters by the first half of January 2024.
Given such a critical situation, the editors, Hiroyuki Suzuki and Keiko Sakai, held a workshop “Considering the Gaza conflict: What will happen to Israel, Palestine, and the international community?” on November 16 at the University of Tokyo.[4] The one-day workshop was attended by more than 100 participants in person, and 200 online. A keynote presentation by Suzuki was followed by presentations from the following young scholars, Hiroshi Yasui, Kensuke Yamamoto, and Koji Horinuki, all of whom specialize in Area Studies on the Arab region, with a contribution also from senior scholars in International Relations, namely, Ai Kihara-hunt and Kiichi Fujiwara, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo. NGO activists were also with us, such as Yoshiko Tanaka from Campaign for the Children of Palestine.
This workshop was the impetus for the publication of this volume. Kaoru Yamamoto, who played the role of moderator in the workshop, agreed to contribute a chapter on Palestinian hip-hop culture. Yasuyuki Matsunaga joined the discussion from the floor, and added perspectives from Iran and other anti-Israeli networks. Ryoji Tateyama, a leading scholar on Israel/Palestinian conflicts during the past 40 years, kindly accepted our invitation to contribute his paper. From out of Japan, Rawia Altaweel, who has been witnessing the daily escalation of conflicts in Beirut since the conflict occurred, contributed a chapter.
We owe a great deal of acknowledgment to many of our colleagues in Middle East studies, among them Eiji Nagasawa, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo, and Akifumi Ikeda, former president of Toyo Eiwa University, who provided valuable comments and helpful advice on our book project. Support and assistance from scholars of Palestinian issues, such as Aiko Nishikida, Akira Usuki, Eisuke Naramoto, Mouin Rabbani and Ronni Shaked are also gratefully acknowledged, not tomentionthescholarsinInternationalRelationssuchasAtsushiIshida,LarbiSadiki, andLaylaSaleh,aswellashistorianssuchasHidemitsuKurokiandUssamaMakdisi. Our work was supported not only by academic scholars but also by humanitarian aid workers: Mai Namiki, former staff member of JVC Palestine, cooperated with us and worked very hard to make a strong appeal to the Japanese government to support Gaza.
Lastly, but not the least, a big, special thanks goes to Ms. Juno Kawakami, a senior editor of Springer, who encouraged us to edit this volume. Without her constant support, it would not have been possible to publish this book within less than a year after the conflict occurred. We also owe financial and logistic support to JSPS Kakenhi Kiban A Project (21H04387; 2021–2024) and the University of Tokyo Centre for Middle Eastern Studies ( UTCMES ).
At this last moment of editing this volume (May 23, 2024), the latest mediation efforts have failed due to Israel’s refusal of a ceasefire, and Israel has further escalated military attacks on Rafah, the last refuge of the people of Gaza. As the UN Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People held a commemorative Panel Discussion under the title of “1948-2024: The Ongoing Palestinian Nakba” on May 17, it is now widely recognized that the Nakba, the expulsion and annihilation of the Palestinians from the land of Palestine in 1948, has not yet been completed, but continues and is increasing in cruelty till this moment.
The foreseeable future is very bleak; the only hope is to believe that after such serious destruction fundamental reform will come and, with it, a genuine and comprehensive transformation of the international order.
| Tokyo, JapanChiba, Japan | Hiroyuki SuzukiKeiko Sakai |
May 2024
[1] It was held on Komaba campus, the University of Tokyo, on October 5, and organized by the Center for Middle Eastern Studies at the University of Tokyo, with support from JIME Center, The Institute of Energy Economics, Japan. http://www.shd.chiba-u.jp/glblcrss/activities/activities20230 918.html#article
[2] Originally from Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan (MOFA) (1975) Chuto Hunso Kankei Shiryo Shu [Documents on Conflicts in the Middle East], vol. 1, pp. 54-55, quoted by Eisuke Naramoto (1991) “Japanese Perceptions on the Arab-Israeli Conflict,” Journal of Palestine Studies, Spring, Vol. 20, No. 3, pp. 79–88. 3 Yomiuri Newspaper, Nov. 22, 1973.
[3] https://sites.google.com/view/meresearchersgaza/%E3%83%9B%E3%83%BC%E3%83%A0/ english-appeal.
[4] It was organized by the Center for Middle Eastern Studies at the University of Tokyo, with support from the JSPS Research Project “Protest on the Street, and Reconsider the Nation: from the view points of space, violence and resonance” led by Sakai. See: http://www.shd.chiba-u.jp/glblcrss/act ivities/activities20231101.html#article
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Gaza Nakba 2023–2024
Background, Context, Consequences
- Book
- © 2024
Overview
Editors:
- Culmination of six decades of Japanese area studies on Middle East, with a focus on peace-building in Palestine/Israel
- Includes analysis which reflect the actual voices and sentiments of the Israeli/Palestinian society
- Interdisciplinary approaches by scholars, many in their thirties, from Japan
About this book
This book is one of the first edited volumes on the current Israel/Palestine conflict—the Gaza Nakba 2023–24. It contains contributions from both young post-doctoral researchers and more seasoned scholars from Japan. These authors, with their rich experience of field work in the region and their interdisciplinary approaches, are able to provide critical analyses on the current breakdown of humanitarian norms, the dysfunctional state of international organizations, and the breakdown of conflict management and peace-building. The unique viewpoints of Japanese scholars are shared regarding their understanding of the critical developments in Gaza since October 7, 2023. Further, these chapters analyze the background of the conflict, focusing on popular sentiments, national identity, and historical memory in Israel/Palestine, and the importance of space and land as national and cultural symbols, using rich and updated written and visual data from the region.
This work significantly challenges prevailing arguments, as it avoids stereotyped understandings of the persistence of religious and ethnic hatred, the proxy relationships of global powers (e.g., USA) and regional ones (Iran), and regional rivalries over geopolitical and economic interests in the Middle East. Such arguments as these provide no more than a quick divide-and-rule type of solution, encouraging merely superficial diplomatic coordination among the major global powers rather than a real solution. Alternatively, this book provides a new framework for understanding the structure of the conflict, making way for solving the problem from the popular level, and delving deeply into reconsideration of the durability or non-durability of the state system in the Middle East and a Western originated liberal international order and norm in general. The book also discloses the severe reality that human rights in the Global South are often neglected. In this sense, the purpose of this work is to disclose the significance of the Gaza War as an iconic event which reveals all the contradictions, inequalities and injustices in a global historical context.
This book is essential for anyone who wants a fresh and expert consideration of the Israel-Palestine-Gaza issue, which avoids the often parochial stereotypes that attend it in the West, and which views it through a global lens.
Juan Cole, Richard P. Mitchell Collegiate Professor of History, University of Michigan
Table of contents (12 chapters)
- Front MatterPages i-xxiPDF
- Introduction: Nakba(s) That Killed All the Norms
- Keiko Sakai
- Where Will Separation Lead? The Humanitarian Crisis in Gaza and Future Prospects
- Hiroyuki Suzuki
- Israel’s Ongoing Annexation of East Jerusalem: Oppressing Palestinian National Sentiments Before and After October 7
- Kensuke Yamamoto
- Culture and Resistance in Palestine: Rap Music from Gaza
- Kaoru Yamamoto
- In the Shadow of Israel’s Prosperity: The Illiberal History of the Liberal International Order
- Taro Tsurumi
- How Public Opinion in Israel Shifted: Insights from Post-Cross-Border Attack Opinion Polls
- Hiroshi Yasui
- From Oil Weapon to Mediation Diplomacy: An Examination of the Gulf States’ Responses to the Gaza War
- Koji Horinuki
- The Myth of Vertical Integration in Regional Conflict: Iran and the “Axis of Resistance”
- Yasuyuki Matsunaga
- Gaza War 2023–2024 and Reactions from Neighboring Countries: Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria
- Rawia Altaweel
- The Gaza War from the Perspective of International Law
- Ai Kihara-Hunt
- Japan’s Foreign Policy Regarding the Arab-Israeli Conflict and the Palestinian Question from the Perspective of Three Factors
- Ryoji Tateyama
- Epilogue: Unsolved Settler Colonialism and Devastation of Global Norm
- Keiko Sakai
- Back MatterPages 237-242PDF
Editors and Affiliations
- Centre for Middle Eastern Studies (UTCMES), Graduate School of Arts and Sciences, University of Tokyo, Tokyo, JapanHiroyuki Suzuki
- Institute for Advanced Academic Research, Chiba University, Chiba, JapanKeiko Sakai
About the editors
Hiroyuki Suzuki: Project Associate Professor, The Sultan Qaboos Chair in Middle Eastern Studies, the University of Tokyo Centre for Middle Eastern Studies (UTCMES)
Hiroyuki Suzuki is one of Japan’s leading young scholars in Middle Eastern studies (modern history). He obtained an M.A. in March 2012 and a Ph.D. in July 2017 from the University of Tokyo’s Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. His Ph.D. thesis (in Japanese) titled Hōki <Intifada>: Senryōka no Paresuchina 1967-1993 (The Mass Uprisings—“Intifada”—and Occupied Palestine (1967–1993)), is highly regarded by many researchers and scholars of Palestine Studies. It was awarded the 9th Shigeru Nambara Memorial Award for Publication by the University of Tokyo Press in 2019. The text was published, using this fund, under the same title by the University of Tokyo Press in 2020. He and his colleagues (Kensuke Yamamoto, the author of Chapter 4 of this volume, and Miyuki Kinjo) completed their translation of Rashid Khalidi’s book The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917–2017 (2023, Housei University Press) just after the Gaza War broke out.
Suzuki’s research is replete with rich and rare primary data from his repeated field research work in Palestine/Israel. He was a visiting scholar at the Harry S. Truman Research Institute for the Advancement of Peace in the Hebrew University of Jerusalem for 17 months, beginning in April 2018, with the financial support of the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS). He assumed his current position as project associate professor of the Sultan Qaboos Chair in Middle Eastern Studies at the University of Tokyo in September 2019. He has played an active leadership role managing young researchers and students in academic associations, including the Japan Association for Middle East Studies and the Japan Association of International Relations, and for promoting young scholars’ research activities in the region.
Other activities include attending and making presentations at international academic associations, such as the Eurasian Peace Science Conference (Jerusalem, 2019), the Middle East Studies Association (MESA) (San Antonio USA, 2018), the Korean Association of Middle Eastern Studies (KAMES) International Conference (Seoul, 2017), the Cairo University International Symposium (Cairo, 2017), and the International Sociological Association (ISA) (Vienna, 2016).
Since October 7, 2023, he has frequently been asked to appear in the media (TV, radio, SNS, and web magazines) for commentary on the current situation—comments that are highly valued by Japanese audiences. He has quickly organized workshops and conferences on this issue at the Centre for Middle Eastern Studies at the University of Tokyo (UTCMES) and given lectures on the current situation not only for students and researchers but also for NGO activists and supporters, as well as public audiences.
Keiko Sakai: Professor, Institute for Advanced Academic Research; Director, Center for Relational Studies on Global Crises, Chiba University
Keiko Sakai is a leading figure in the promotion of Middle East area studies and International Relations. She joined the Institute of Developing Economies (IDE) in Tokyo in 1982 as a researcher on Iraq, after graduating from University of Tokyo. From 1986 until 1989 she served as a research attaché in the Embassy of Japan in Iraq, and served as the overseas researcher at the American University in Cairo from 1995–87. Since mid-2005, Sakai held the position of Professor at the Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, where, for seven years, she taught modern history and conflict analysis in the Middle East. She moved to Chiba University in October 2012 and received her Ph.D. in Area Studies from Kyoto University (2019).
She served as a board member of the Japan Association for Middle Eastern Studies for more than 10 years during the 2000s and was the president of the Japan Association of International Relations (2012–2014) as the first scholar of Middle Eastern Studies to serve in that position. She served as dean of the Faculty of Law, Politics and Economics at Chiba University from 2014 to 2017.
She has actively conducted collaborative research with academic and research institutions in Iraq since 2005 and has organized joint symposiums with the University of Baghdad and Mustansiriya University a number of times.
She has published various academic works on contemporary Iraq and the Middle East in Japanese, such as the following: Iraq and the U.S. (2002), which received the Asia Pacific Research Award: Grand Prize; Structure of the Ruling System of the Regime of Saddam Hussein in Iraq(2003) which was given the Daido Seimei Area Studies Award: Prize for encouragement in 2009; Middle EastPolitics (2012); Modern History after 9.11 (2018), and Where has “Spring” gone? (2022). Her publications in Japanese include the recent seven-volume series on global relational studies (Iwanami, 2020) for which she received the Consortium of Area Studies Award in 2022.
She is a co-author of Iraq Since Invasion (Routledge, 2020) and has contributed a chapter to Tribes and Power: Nationalism and Ethnicity in the Middle East (Faleh A. Jabar and Hosham Dawood, eds., Saqi, 2003), along with contributions to the Routledge Handbook of Middle East Politics (Larbi Sadiki, ed., Routledge, 2020). Her M.A. thesis (University of Durham, UK, 1995), namely, Al-Thawra al-Ashrin (2020), is available in both Japanese and in Arabic, the latter under the title of Iraq wa wilayat al-mutahhida al-Amirikiya(2023), both of which are available from Adnan Bookshop, Baghdad, Iraq.
Abstract
The Gaza War, or the second coming of the Nakba in 2023, has exposed a serious breakdown in global normative structures and mechanisms of conflict resolution, not only in bilateral and intra-regional relations, but also in the international community. This chapter examines what the Gaza war has revealed, focusing on the end of the two-state solution, the return of settler colonialism, the malfunctioning of international organisations, the dysfunctioning of regional solidarity among state actors, the myth of the liberal international order, and the growing role of the Global South, non-state actors, and civil society protest movements. In order to understand the situation, it is essential to introduce a framework to analyse the Gaza war holistically from different angles. This book aims to shed light on the complex dynamics of the conflict situation and how political and security developments in Israel/Palestine reflect socio-economic, cultural, and psychological changes in the lives of the people there. The authors of this book can offer readers unique and original perspectives on Israeli-Palestinian problems, reflecting a long tradition of Middle East studies in Japan, which has trained scholars in language skills and provided extensive experience in research activities in the field
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Global Perspective: Israel cannot erase Arab people’s will by force
October 17, 2024 (Mainichi Japan)
By Keiko Sakai, Professor, Chiba University
On Sept. 27, Hassan Nasrallah, leader of the Lebanese Islamist group Hezbollah, was killed in an Israeli airstrike. Israeli forces fired 2,000 pounds of bombs into southern Lebanon and the capital Beirut, causing extensive damage not only to Hezbollah-related facilities but also to civilians. In the early hours of Oct. 1, the Israeli army invaded Lebanese territory, starting a ground war. The same day, Iran, which saw a high-ranking general killed alongside Nasrallah, launched a retaliatory attack on Israel in solidarity with Hezbollah, and there are concerns that Israel will respond militarily. In Lebanon, about 1,600 people have been killed and more than 1 million people have been displaced since Sept. 20, according to the United Nations.
Let me first discuss changes in the scope of Israel’s war. Israel, which has been concentrating on attacking the Palestine enclave of Gaza for a year, opened a front in Lebanon targeting Hezbollah, and the war has entered a new phase. There are fears that the front will expand further.
The attack on Gaza, which began on Oct. 7 last year in retaliation for cross-border raids and abductions by the Islamist group Hamas, was aimed at freeing the hostages and destroying Hamas. Therefore, the target of the attack was, in principle, in the Israeli-occupied territory of Gaza.
But the inclusion of Hezbollah as one of Israel’s targets has expanded the front into Lebanon. Hezbollah is a political organization in Lebanon that was not directly involved in last October’s Hamas’s attack on Israel. The main aim of Hamas is resistance against Israel within the occupied territory.
From ‘self-defense’ to ‘intimidation’
What this change means is that Israel has decided to go beyond retaliation for last year’s events and thoroughly destroy the forces that oppose it. All anti-Israel forces, public or unofficial, domestic or external, are now the targets of fierce military attacks. Fear over this Israeli posture is not only felt in Lebanon but is spreading throughout the region. The new operations go beyond “exercising the right to self-defense” and are nothing less than “intimidation by force.”
The second change worth noting is Israel’s almost complete abandonment of a peaceful solution to regional conflicts. Hezbollah is a non-state actor that was originally established as a resistance group against Israel’s invasion of Lebanon in 1982, but it has played important roles in regional and international politics as a state within a state. The organization is said to have a certain unofficial tacit understanding with Israel about their relations, and Nasrallah was supposed to be a “negotiable” partner. His killing means that Israel has given up the possibility of negotiating with Hezbollah.
The same can be said of the murder of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyah. In early July, U.S. President Joe Biden agreed with both Israel and Hamas on a framework for a ceasefire and the release of hostages. But after Haniyah’s murder later that month, Hamas’s new leadership shifted from a pragmatic to a militaristic one, and Israel added terms for a ceasefire, derailing the negotiations.
In other words, it is none other than Israel that is closing the path to peace and actively expanding the war.
Deflecting domestic discontent
Why did Israel turn its arrows of attack toward Lebanon? In addition to the more than 40,000 deaths directly from military operations in Gaza, 180,000 deaths have been caused by extreme deterioration in the sanitary and food situation in the enclave, according to an article in the medical journal The Lancet, highlighting Israel’s inhumanity in its war conduct.
More than 60 percent of respondents in a June poll by the Institute for Jewish Policy Research in Israel said they were concerned about their country being regarded as a “rogue state” by the West. This result shows that there is a strong sense among the Israeli people that they don’t want to be seen by Western countries as “inhumane,” even if they do not mind criticism from the United Nations. It can be said that the government began attacking Hezbollah in a bid to defect the people’s discontent toward the impasse over the Gaza war.
Imitating the logic of the United States
More seriously, Israel’s shift is covering up the core of the issue of the country’s occupation of Palestine and making it seem as if the focus is on a dichotomy between “moderate Arab states” and “anti-Israel Islamist forces.” Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, in a speech to the U.S. Congress in July and at the United Nations General Assembly in September, emphasized that the Middle East is divided into two groups — one comprising moderate and pro-American Gulf oil-producing states as well as Jordan and Egypt, and the other, “the axis of resistance” formed by Iran and other players in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Yemen — and that Israel will work with the former to promote peace. This is exactly the same logic that the U.S. administration of George W. Bush used to justify its military action following the 9/11 terrorist attacks — dividing the world in two with the ultimatum “Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists.”
This rhetoric, however, obscures the root cause of the conflict, which is that Israel is occupying Arab lands, expelling Palestinians, and settling its own people in those lands in violation of international law.
Lastly, I would like to point out that Israel’s armed crushing of the opposition will bring about the end of democracy in the Middle East, which was already in its death throes.
It was not until the 1980s that Islamist groups began to take up arms in the Middle East in opposition to Israel’s occupation policies, taking the place of nationalist forces such as the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). Since the 1990s, countries in the region have been struggling with how to control the Islamist forces that have emerged in the resistance movement against Israel domestically and how to make them comply with the rules. Those efforts in part led to the process of democratization, which invited the participation of those forces in the elections.
Both Hamas and Hezbollah have gained ground in domestic politics through elections. They gained dominance over Israel in Gaza and southern Lebanon around 2006, when Hamas won a majority and Hezbollah won just over 10 percent of the seats in their respective elections. The Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt came to power thanks to election results after the “Arab Spring,” the popular movements against dictatorships in 2011.
These Islamist groups are being eliminated by force by Israel, and by Arab authoritarian states that Israel describes as “moderate.” In reality, the dichotomy in the Middle East on which Israel bases its policy is one between states and Islamist groups that have promoted a certain level of democracy (with the exception of Syria), and those that want to eliminate democracy by force.
Indeed, these Islamist organizations have not been spared from criticism over their oppression or from the loss of popular support. Still, one cannot ignore the will of the people those groups have represented. How will the backlash against Israel erupt in the future, with no organization representing the voices of the people?
Profile: Keiko Sakai
A graduate of the University of Tokyo, Sakai earned her Ph.D. in area studies from Kyoto University. After working as a researcher at the Institute of Developing Economies and as a researcher attache at the Embassy of Japan in Iraq, she then taught at Tokyo University of Foreign Studies as a professor, and assumed her current position in 2012. A specialist in Middle Eastern politics and Iraq affairs, she is the recipient of the Asia Pacific Prize Grand Prize in 2003, and was the chairperson of the Japan Association of International Relations from 2012 to 2014.
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Global Perspective: Generous support for Palestine vital as Gaza faces unprecedented crisis
April 23, 2024 (Mainichi Japan)
By Keiko Sakai, Professor, Chiba University
Israel’s attack on the Gaza Strip, a Palestinian territory, began on Oct. 7 last year, triggered by an attack on Israel from the Islamist group Hamas, but the fighting has shown no signs of abating even after six months. At the time of this writing, more than 33,000 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza, and the death toll has reached nearly 400 in the West Bank. In Israel, about 1,200 people were killed in the Hamas attack. Since the start of the war in Gaza, nearly 260 Israeli soldiers have died.
As many as 1.7 million people, or three-quarters of Gaza’s population, have been forced to flee their homes to Rafah in the south of the strip. But due to Israeli restrictions, not enough humanitarian supplies are reaching the refugees, and one-third of the residents are severely starved. In March, the U.S. military and other forces airdropped food supplies, but there was an incident in which residents were crushed to death by the dropped aid.
In the early stages of the war, it was said that the Israeli military action would last about three months. The prediction assumed that people would soon become weary of the war due to government moves such as the callup of reservists.
However, Israelis’ support for the war is strong due to the heightened sense for the need of national defense. According to a March poll by The Jewish People Policy Institute (JPPI), there was a slight increase in opinion that Israel’s military action was too aggressive compared to the figure recorded at the start of the war, but there is no disagreement about extending the military action to Rafah, where displaced people are concentrated. This is despite U.N. Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator Martin Griffiths warning that “Military operations in Rafah could lead to a slaughter in Gaza.”
No intention of ceasefire
The reason for the prolongation of the war is that Israel has no intention of ordering a ceasefire, but there is also the problem that the international community has been unable to restrain Israel’s actions. The United Nations Security Council tried several times to pass a ceasefire resolution but failed due to vetoes by the United States or Russia. Although a resolution was finally adopted on March 25, the U.S. government abstained and made it clear that it would not be bound by the resolution.
As for humanitarian aid activities, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), which has been largely responsible for humanitarian assistance, was accused by Israel of involvement in terrorist acts at the end of January, and as a result, major donor countries such as the United States and Germany suspended funding.
Passive response by Europe and the United States
In addition to Washington’s reluctance to support a ceasefire, Europe has also shown strong hesitancy toward providing humanitarian aid to the Palestinians. This is especially true in Germany, where pro-Palestinian rhetoric at home is considered antisemitic and civil society activists and intellectuals supporting the cause come under pressure. Prominent Arab scholars have been forced out of their jobs, raising the risk of undermining freedom of thought and belief over the war in Gaza.
The founding of the State of Israel and, by extension, the Jewish problem, originated in European society (1). As is well known, the founding of the State of Israel is a culmination of a movement by Jewish intellectuals in Europe who thought that a state for Jews was necessary because of the repeated persecution of their people in Europe.
The idea of creating a Jewish state in Israel was a way for European society to impose its own failure in multicultural coexistence on the Middle East, and to force Palestine, a place outside Europe, to tackle the problem. For Europe, to question the establishment of Israel is to admit its own failure to coexist with multiple cultures.
The challenge that Israel has faced since its founding has been the contradiction of pursuing a state for Jews while aiming for a Western-style democracy. How can Israel provide democracy to peoples equally, regardless of their religious or ethnic differences, while limiting itself as a state for Jews? The impediment was the presence of the Palestinians.
It might have been easy for Jews to settle in a no-man’s land and build a democratic state. But Palestinians have long lived there. To build a democratic country with only Jews, all the natives had to be eliminated.
In 1948, when Israel was founded, some 750,000 Palestinians were forced out of their homeland and became refugees. Yet it was not possible to expel all of them. Palestinians who remain in Israeli territory have been granted citizenship as “Arab Israelis” but have been made second-class citizens. They now make up over 20 percent of Israel’s population.
The danger of accepting Palestinians, whom Israel didn’t want to include in its democracy, increased as Israel expanded the territories it occupied. Palestinians in the occupied territories, who were the lowest level of labor needed for the Israeli economy, had to be made invisible and separated from Israel by walls.
The decision that it was impossible to expel all non-Jews from Israel and its occupied territories led to the “Two Peoples, Two States” plan (2) represented by the Oslo Accords of the 1990s. However, the recent Hamas attack has clearly shown that this awkward plan for coexistence will not solve the problem.
Even though the Palestinians in the uninclusive occupied territories are separated by walls, voices are raised repeatedly from the other side of the wall denouncing the contradictions of the Israeli state. The Oct. 7 attack was an incident in which the accusations were delivered in a violent way.
Isn’t Israel’s inclination to conclude that the Palestinians must be eliminated in the end the reason why Israel’s attack on Gaza has not stopped? Aren’t the Israelis considering all Palestinians — not only those in Gaza, but also those in the West Bank and in Israel — as others who they failed to expel at the time of the founding of the country, and thinking about resuming the implementation of the founding principles? One Israeli parliamentarian said: “Now we have one goal: Nakba.” Nakba is an Arabic word meaning “calamity” suffered by the Palestinians because of the establishment of the State of Israel.
What Japan can do
Japan does not have a history of persecuting Jews like Europe does. Even if the West cannot criticize Israel, Japan can distance itself from such historical constraints. Until now, Japan has provided generous assistance to Palestine. One example is the development of infrastructure in Gaza through UNRWA. The resumption of support for UNRWA on April 2 demonstrates the continuity of Japan’s diplomacy.
The world cannot afford to sit idly by in the face of an unprecedented humanitarian crisis in Gaza. Now is the time for Japan to play its role.
Profile: Keiko Sakai
A graduate of the University of Tokyo, Sakai earned her Ph.D. in area studies from Kyoto University. After working as a researcher at the Institute of Developing Economies and as a researcher attache at the Embassy of Japan in Iraq, she then taught at Tokyo University of Foreign Studies as a professor, and assumed her current position in 2012. A specialist in Middle Eastern politics and Iraq affairs, she is the recipient of the Asia Pacific Prize Grand Prize in 2003, and was the chairperson of the Japan Association of International Relations from 2012 to 2014.
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[PRI] Open Lecture Series on “The Israel-Gaza crisis: Historial Background to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict and Regional Perspectives”
Thursday,November 2,2023
Categories: LECTURES and SYMPOSIUM
[ICU Peace Research Institute] Open Lecture Series on “The Israel-Gaza crisis: Historial Background to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict and Regional Perspectives”
Part 1 “The Israeli-Palestine Conflict and Regional Perspectives”
Date: Nov. 9 (Thu.) 13:50-16:20
Venue:Online(Zoom)
Please pre-register using the link below.
https://forms.gle/nEPiM4Ud9hc5U4cq7
Zoom link will be sent to you by auto-reply.
Chair:Prof. Giorgio Shani (ICU; Chair RC43 Religion and Politics, IPSA)
Speaker:
Prof. Joshua RICKARD (Kumamoto University)
Prof. Keiko SAKAI (Chiba University; IPSA)
Prof. Yasuyuki MATSUNAGA (TUFS, IPSA)
Part 2 “The Assymetry of Conflict”
Date: Nov. 9 (Thu.) 17:50-19:00
Venue:Online(Zoom)
The Zoom link is the same as for Part 1. Participants from Part 1 can continue to attend. Please pre-register using the form above even if you are only attending Part 2.
Chair:Prof. Giorgio Shani (ICU; Chair RC43 Religion and Politics, IPSA)
Speaker: Dr. Hani ABDELHADI (Senior Assistant Professor, Meiji University)
This event is co-hosted by PRI, SSRI, IACS, and IPSA.
Please feel free to contact us at icupri@icu.ac.jp if you have any questions.
We look forward to seeing you there!
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Open lecture on “Understanding Palestinian Experiences in Context” (co-hosted by PRI)
Friday,November 3,2023
Categories: LECTURES and SYMPOSIUM
Understanding Palestinian Experiences in Context
Date: November 14, 2023 (Tue.) 12:50-13:50
Lecturer: NAMBU Makiko (Tokyo University of Foreign Studies)
Venue: Troyer Memorial Arts & Sciences Hall (T-kan) 328
Language: English
Host: Institute of Asian Cultural Studies
Co-Hosts: Peace Research Institute, Social Science Research Institute
Registration: https://forms.gle/x2UJyrs9Gw9v8Ecz9
This event hopes to welcome students and anyone one who are currently witnessing the situation unfolding in Gaza and Palestine with deep concerns and are interested in engaging with further learning. The talk will provide crucial historical context to understand the present day colonial occupation, siege and the systems of apartheid, and to learn about some critical global responses and actions in the service of freedom and justice.
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http://palestinescholarship.org/us.html
What is the Palestine Student Fund?
More than 60 years have passed since the conflict broke out in Palestine/Israel, and the current problems of occupation and refugeeization began. The Palestine Student Fund was established in April 2010 by volunteers who have been involved in research and activities in these regions and neighboring countries. → Click here
for the organizational structure . In the course of our research and activities, we hope to deepen our understanding of the people who we usually learn from and who help us by exploring what Japan can do for them. We hope that by continuing to provide even small support, as many refugee students as possible will be able to become economically independent and play an active role in society. The Palestine Student Fund’s main activity is the Gaza Refugee Scholarship Project.
About the support recipients
The Gaza Refugee Scholarship Project is a project that supports Gaza refugee students living in Jordan to receive higher education. It provides free scholarships for them to attend university through UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East).
What are Gaza refugees?
Due to government policy, the majority of Palestinians currently living in Jordan have Jordanian nationality and enjoy the rights of Jordanian nationals. However, Palestinians who moved to the Gaza Strip during the 1948 war (the First Arab-Israeli War) and then to Jordan during the 1967 war ( known as “Gaza refugees”
) are exceptional cases in which they are not allowed to acquire Jordanian nationality. They are currentlyBeing stateless means they face strict restrictions on employment. At the same time, because they have no nationality, they must pay high tuition fees to universities as foreigners. It
is generally said that Palestinians in Jordan are in a more favorable environment than Palestinian refugees living in other countries. However, the existence of Gaza refugees, who are a minority, is not well known. Their existence can be seen as a microcosm of the long-running conflict in the region and the problems surrounding it. → Click here
for more detailed explanation .
Organization
The Palestine Student Fund was formed by university researchers and graduate students who work in Israel/Palestine and neighboring countries, and members of international cooperation NGOs.
We hope to make new contacts with the regions and people we are involved with and receive cooperation from through our support activities, mainly scholarship projects, and to contribute in some small way to them. We
also hope to deepen our understanding of the impact and deep roots of the conflict in this region through our support, and to shed light on one aspect of the structural problems.
| director | Eiji Nagasawa (Chairman, Professor at the Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo) Akira Usuki (Vice Chairman, Professor at the Faculty of Letters, Japan Women’s University and Graduate School of Letters) Aiko Nishida (Director/Secretary-General, Associate Professor at the Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies) Ryoji Tateyama (Director, Professor Emeritus at the National Defense Academy of Japan) Rika Fujiya (Director, Full-time Lecturer at the Faculty of Nursing and Medical Care, Keio University) |
|---|---|
| 監事 | Manabu Shimizu (former professor at Teikyo University) |
| 賛同人 | Masato Iizuka (Professor, Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies ) Satoshi Ukai ( Professor, Graduate School of Language and Society, Hitotsubashi University) Mari Oka (Professor, Graduate School of Human and Environmental Studies, Kyoto University) Yasunori Kawakami (Editorial Board Member, Asahi Shimbun) Yoshiyuki Kitazawa (Professor, Faculty of Foreign Studies, Kyoto Sangyo University) Masatoshi Kimura (Professor, Faculty of Law, Hosei University) Yasushi Kosugi (Professor, Graduate School of Asian and African Area Studies, Kyoto University) Nobuaki Kondo (Associate Professor, Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies) Jun Shimazaki (Cairo Bureau Chief, Kyodo News) Hirofumi Tanada (Professor, Faculty of Human Sciences, Waseda University / Secretary General, Japan Association for Middle East Studies) Eisuke Naramoto ( Professor, Faculty of Economics, Hosei University ) Kentaro Hirayama (Former NHK Commentator / Visiting Professor, Hakuoh University Research Institute) Kunio Fukuda (Director, Institute for Disarmament and Peace, Meiji University) Nozomi Yamazaki (Full-time Lecturer, Faculty of Law, Komazawa University) Takeshi Yukawa (Professor, Institute for Islamic Area Studies, Waseda University) |
(Title at time of establishment)
Please see the Articles of Association here .
israel-academia-monitor.com 