16.07.25
Editorial Note
Earlier this week, in the Netherlands, Leiden University’s Committee on External Collaborations – Human Rights and Conflict Zones advised the University’s Executive Board to suspend student exchange programs with the Hebrew University and Tel Aviv University, pending further notice. The Committee also recommended against engaging in new student exchange programs with academic institutions in Israel that have similarly close ties to the Israeli military, pending the Executive Board’s decision to submit new exchange programs to the Committee.
The Committee has reached this conclusion by observing both universities, to the extent that they are “entangled with the Israeli military, may be implicated in or contribute to human rights violations.” It also concluded that the “involvement in the conflict is increasingly restricting academic freedom at these universities, with potentially negative effects for Leiden University and its students.”
The Committee emphasized that the suspension addresses the universities as institutions, but “does not have a bearing on the admission of individual students nor on academic contacts between individual staff members. Individual students and staff from Israel who wish to come to Leiden University are and remain welcome.”
As for “Other aspects of cooperation with partners in Israel, such as in the field of research, are to be dealt with in a later advisory report by the committee.”
The decision will be made by the Executive Board following consultation with the deans and the University Council soon after the summer break.
Rector Hester Bijl stated that “we understand that this initial advice is not the result some in our organization would have hoped for, whereas others think the whole process is taking too long. We are going to reflect carefully on the advice and the potential implications. We believe it is important we continue engaging with our academic community on topics that evoke strong emotions and division. This disastrous war and the ongoing conflict are claiming countless human lives. Their impact extends beyond those directly involved, affecting students and staff within our university as well. This advice from the committee will undoubtedly stir up emotions once again. We understand the strong need for clarity. We will make a decision regarding the student exchange programs and the committee’s advice as soon as possible, taking the utmost care and consideration.”
The Committee on External Collaborations – Human Rights and Conflict Zones, established by the Executive Board on May 27, 2025, aims to “investigate whether Leiden University works with organizations, institutions, or consortia that directly or indirectly violate human rights, support war, or violate other provisions of international law.”
The Executive Board asked the Committee for advice following “significant concerns about the human rights situation and the serious humanitarian crisis in Gaza and the Middle East within the context of the Israel-Palestine conflict. Since October 2023, this deep-rooted and extremely complex conflict has sparked intense debate, strong emotions and growing tensions within our academic community. Students, staff and, increasingly, members of the broader public have urged universities to reconsider their collaborations with Israeli academic institutions. The two institutional exchange programs on which the committee has advised were placed on hold by the university last year. Just a few students were involved in these exchanges.”
At the Executive Board’s request, the Committee began “assessing the student exchange programs with the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and Tel Aviv University. The committee used the method developed at the request of the Executive Board by the temporary Committee on Ethical Aspects of Collaborations.”
In its advice, the committee noted that, “in the context of a long-lasting and complex conflict where various parties have over the years used force, Israel is currently held responsible for serious violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law.”
The Committee also observed that the Hebrew University and Tel Aviv University “are entangled with the Israeli military, may be implicated in or contributing to human rights violations… To continue the current institutional framework for student exchanges with these universities would place Leiden University in a morally precarious position and would challenge its core values, especially its responsibility to cultivate an open, inclusive community and to uphold academic freedom.”
The Committee also noted a large number of responses from Leiden University students and staff and the University Council, reflecting the “diversity of opinions and interpretations on this issue within the university’s academic community.” Additionally, the Committee members attended dialogues within the university and spoke with various experts.
The report concluded, “The fact that the specific student exchange programs are of a very modest scale, and that they may not be directly linked to the violations, does not diminish the Committee’s ethical concerns.”
As stated by the university, before the Executive Board reaches a final decision, it will take the following steps, “Discuss the advice with the University Council; Discuss the advice with the Management Board, the meeting between the Executive Board and the deans of the faculties; Discuss the advice with the Board of Governors; Contact the rectors of Tel Aviv University and the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. The Executive Board will also continue its dialogue with the community and alumni of Leiden University.”
Worth noting that the aggressive protests by pro-Palestinian factions are out of proportion to the very modest scale of collaboration with Israeli universities.
Dutch media recently reported that there are some 140 collaborations in the Netherlands, funded mainly by the European Union. The partnerships span fields such as physics, medicine, agriculture, and technology, involving consortia of dozens of international partners. While none of the projects are explicitly military, it has been said that 14 are potentially dual-use, which could contribute to Israeli defense.
The intense pressure Dutch universities have faced from pro-Palestinian activists reflects the influence of small but highly vocal and well-funded groups. These activist coalitions—though not large in numbers—have successfully leveraged media attention, institutional access, and ideological appeal to exert disproportionate influence on academic policy and public discourse.
A range of actors have contributed to this effort. Human rights NGOs, peace organizations, socialist-aligned groups, and Christian solidarity networks have all been documented as providing material, logistical, or ideological support. European legal advocacy bodies, such as the European Legal Support Center based in Amsterdam, have provided legal support to student activists, enabling them to resist administrative sanctions and assert their rights within university structures. In parallel, European socialist parties and their affiliated foundations have endorsed the movement, amplifying its visibility and legitimizing its demands.
While the Dutch security services have not found conclusive evidence of direct links between these protests and foreign governments, including Iran and Qatar, it is prudent not to rule out such connections entirely. Iran and Qatar, with their affiliated networks, have a well-documented history of supporting proxy activism in Europe through direct and indirect means, cultural centers, or affiliated NGOs. In the context of rising geopolitical tensions, the Netherlands’ role as a liberal and open society makes it a favorable environment for both genuine activism and potential influence operations.
IAM will report on Leiden University after the summer break.
REFERENCES:
Suspend student exchanges with Hebrew University of Jerusalem and Tel Aviv University
COMMITTEE’S ADVICE 14 July 2025
Leiden University’s Committee on External Collaborations – Human Rights and Conflict Zones advises the Executive Board to suspend student exchange programmes with Hebrew University of Jerusalem and Tel Aviv University until further notice.
The committee also advises against engaging for the time being in new student exchange programmes with academic institutions in Israel that have similarly close ties to the Israeli military: that is, until the Executive Board decides to submit new exchange programmes to the committee.
The committee has reached this conclusion, having observed that both universities, to the extent that they are entangled with the Israeli military, may be implicated in or contribute to human rights violations. It also concludes that the involvement in the conflict is increasingly restricting academic freedom at these universities, with potentially negative effects for Leiden University and its students.
The Committee emphasises that the suspension of these student exchange programmes addresses the universities as institutions; it does not have a bearing on the admission of individual students nor on academic contacts between individual staff members. Individual students and staff from Israel who wish to come to Leiden University are and remain welcome.
Other aspects of cooperation with partners in Israel, such as in the field of research, are to be dealt with in a later advisory report by the committee. Below, we explain the committee’s method, the context of the assignment and the nature of the committee’s advice.
Initial response from the Executive Board
The Executive Board has received the advice and will reach a decision on this as soon as possible after the summer break, following consultation with the deans and the University Council.
‘We pay tribute to the committee and the team supporting it for preparing this careful and comprehensive advice in such a short timeframe,’ said Rector Hester Bijl. ‘It’s impressive how a committee of staff with different backgrounds and perspectives has arrived at unanimous advice, using a previously developed method. These are important steps in our learning approach. At the same time, we understand that this initial advice is not the result some in our organisation would have hoped for, whereas others think the whole process is taking too long. We are going to reflect carefully on the advice and the potential implications.
‘We believe it is important we continue engaging with our academic community on topics that evoke strong emotions and division. This disastrous war and the ongoing conflict are claiming countless human lives. Their impact extends beyond those directly involved, affecting students and staff within our university as well. This advice from the committee will undoubtedly stir up emotions once again.
‘We understand the strong need for clarity. We will make a decision regarding the student exchange programmes and the committee’s advice as soon as possible, taking the utmost care and consideration.’
The committee’s task
The Committee on External Collaborations – Human Rights and Conflict Zones was established by the Executive Board on 27 May to investigate whether Leiden University works with organisations, institutions or consortia that directly or indirectly violate human rights, support war or violate other provisions of international law. The committee will advise the Executive Board on the outcomes of this investigation, and the Executive Board will reach a decision on collaborations. The committee comprises the following members: Prof. J.P. van der Leun (chair), Prof. D.P. Engberts, Prof. D.M. Mokrosinska and (until 1 September 2025) Prof. R.A. Lawson. Prof. P. Sijpesteijn was added to the committee specifically for this case as an expert on the region.
Background and context of the advice
The Executive Board asked the committee to advise on its collaborations following significant concerns about the human rights situation and the serious humanitarian crisis in Gaza and the Middle East within the context of the Israel-Palestine conflict. Since October 2023, this deep-rooted and extremely complex conflict has sparked intense debate, strong emotions and growing tensions within our academic community. Students, staff and, increasingly, members of the broader public have urged universities to reconsider their collaborations with Israeli academic institutions.
The two institutional exchange programmes on which the committee has advised were placed on hold by the university last year. Just a few students were involved in these exchanges.
Committee’s method
At the Executive Board’s request, the committee began by assessing the student exchange programmes with theHebrew University of Jerusalem and Tel Aviv University. The committee used the method developed at the request of the Executive Board by the temporary Committee on Ethical Aspects of Collaborations.
The committee assessed international collaborations on three levels: (1) context (country/region), (2) partner (institution/university/organisation), and (3) activity(education/research/exchange/conference). The committee based its assessment on internationally recognised sources and spoke to experts within the university. It then engaged in a process of weighing the pros and cons of cooperation with the partner.
The committee’s advice
In its advice, the committee notes that, ‘…in the context of a long-lasting and complex conflict where various parties have over the years used force, Israel is currently held responsible for serious violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law.’ The committee also observes that ‘… Hebrew University of Jerusalem and Tel Aviv University, to the extent that they are entangled with the Israeli military, may be implicated in or contributing to human rights violations.’
The committee concludes, ‘To continue the current institutional framework for student exchanges with these universities would place Leiden University in a morally precarious position and would challenge its core values, especially its responsibility to cultivate an open, inclusive community and to uphold academic freedom.’
The fact that the specific student exchange programmes are of a very modest scale, and that they may not be directly linked to the violations, does not diminish the committee’s ethical concerns, it concludes.
University community involved
The committee included different perspectives in its work. ‘The large number of responses the committee has received from Leiden University students and staff as well as the responses from the University Council reflect the diversity of opinions and interpretations on this issue within the university’s academic community,’ it remarks. The committee members also attended dialogues taking place within the university and spoke to experts.
Executive Board’s next steps
Before the Executive Board reaches a definitive decision on whether to suspend the student exchange programmes with Tel Aviv University and the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, it will take the following steps:
- Discuss the advice with the University Council
- Discuss the advice with the Management Board, the meeting between the Executive Board and the deans of the faculties
- Discuss the advice with the Board of Governors
- Contact the rectors of Tel Aviv University and the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.
The Executive Board will also continue its dialogue with the community and alumni of Leiden University.
See also
- Read the advisory report of the Committee on External Collaborations – Human Rights and Conflict Zones
- 24 April 2025Temporary committee on collaborations publishes advice
- 02 July 2024Ethics committee for partnerships launched
- 17 May 2024Our ties with Israeli universities
==============================================================
Advisory report of the Committee on External Collaborations – Human Rights and Conflict Areas
Student Exchange Programmes with Hebrew University of Jerusalem and Tel Aviv University
11 July 2025
Final version
1. Advice (summary) At the request of the Executive Board, the Committee on External Collaborations – Human Rights and Conflict Areas has assessed the student exchange programmes with Hebrew University of Jerusalem and Tel Aviv University in terms of the context, the partners, and the activities. The Committee notes first that, in the context of a long-lasting and complex conflict where various parties have over the years used force, Israel is currently held responsible for serious violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law. The Committee also observes that Hebrew University of Jerusalem and Tel Aviv University, to the extent that they are entangled with the Israeli military, may be implicated in or contributing to human rights violations. To continue the current institutional framework for student exchanges with these universities would place Leiden University in a morally precarious position and would challenge its core values, especially its responsibility to cultivate an open, inclusive community and to uphold academic freedom. The fact that the specific student mobility schemes are of a very modest scale, and that they may not be directly linked to the violations, does not diminish our ethical concerns. The Committee therefore advises the Executive Board: • to suspend the existing student exchange programmes with Hebrew University of Jerusalem and Tel Aviv University until further notice, i.e. until the Executive Board sees fit to request a fresh advice of the Committee; • not to engage in new student exchange programmes with academic institutions based in Israel with similar close ties with the Israeli military until further notice, i.e. until the Executive Board sees fit to submit new agreements for consideration by the Committee. The Committee emphasises that the suspension of these exchange programmes addresses the universities as institutions; it does not have a bearing on the admission of individual students nor on academic contacts between individual staff members. 3 2. Introduction 2.1 Establishment of the Committee on External Collaborations – Human Rights and Conflict Areas On 27 May 2025, the Executive Board of Leiden University decided to establish, as of 1 June 2025, a Committee on External Collaborations – Human Rights and Conflict Areas. This Committee is tasked with: advising the Executive Board, at the Board’s own request, on the question of whether Leiden University, through its collaboration with certain institutions or within certain consortia, is involved in or indirectly contributes to systematic violations of human rights and/or to (the continuation of) situations of armed conflict, or to the violation of other fundamental ethical principles and/or mandatory provisions of international law and, if so, in what way; and advising the Executive Board on what the outcome of the investigation into this question should, in the opinion of the committee, mean for the continuation of that collaboration. The Committee consists of Professor J.P. van der Leun (chair), Professor D.P. Engberts, Professor D.M. Mokrosinska and (for the period until 1 September 2025) Professor R.A. Lawson. Professor P. Sijpesteijn was added to the committee specifically for the case of institutional collaborations with Israel. The Committee is supported by a secretary and a policy adviser from the University’s Strategy and Academic Affairs department. The Committee examines ongoing and proposed institutional collaborations and provides advice. In principle, these assessments are not applied to academic cooperation and the mobility of individuals, whatever their scholarly affiliation, outside the institutional context. The Executive Board simultaneously requested the Committee to start with the assessment of current institutional ties with Israeli partners, and to advise the Board before the summer break (i.e., before mid-July 2025) on the two arrangements for student exchanges that currently exist, that is with Hebrew University of Jerusalem (HUJ) and Tel Aviv University (TAU). Other aspects of cooperation with partners in Israel (including HUJ and TAU), in the field of research, are to be dealt with in a later advisory report. The Committee notes at the outset that the Israel-Palestine conflict has sparked intense debate and growing tensions within the academic community. Students, staff, and – increasingly – members of the broader public have urged universities to reconsider their collaborations with Israeli academic institutions. 4 The Committee also notes that the context in which universities are responding to these calls differs significantly from the circumstances in which universities reconsidered their ties with Russian academic institutions following the Russian invasion of Ukraine: in the latter case, the termination of academic collaborations aligned with sanctions adopted by the Dutch government. By contrast, in the case of the Israel-Gaza conflict, neither the Dutch government nor the European Union has (thus far) imposed sanctions on Israel. In the absence of such official directives, Dutch universities have been independently assessing their partnerships with Israeli institutions, focusing on whether these collaborations place them in morally problematic positions that contradict their core values. 2.2 Process and methods In formulating its recommendations, the Committee draws on Leiden University’s mission and responsibilities, acknowledging that these are carried out within broader social and political contexts. While it is necessary to describe and analyse the political landscape in which the University operates, the Committee does not consider it its role to make or express political judgments. In its work, the Committee is guided by Leiden University’s commitment to academic freedom, as well as its responsibility ‘(..) for promoting an inclusive community. For integrity in academic practice. For what we say and do, and how we interact with one another.’ 1 Leiden University presents itself as ‘a guardian of academic freedom, and a guarantor of an open and inclusive community.’ 2 This is the context in which the Committee has independently worked, using the method outlined by the temporary committee on ethical aspects of collaborations3 for the assessment of the two student exchange programmes. This method prescribes the assessment of international collaborations on three levels: (1) context (country/region) (2) partner (institution/university/organisation), and (3) activity (education/research/exchange/conference)4 1 Innovating and connecting. Leiden University Strategic Plan 2022-2027, p. 17. 2 Innovating and Connecting. Leiden University Strategic Plan 2022-2027, p.14. 3 The Executive Board of Leiden University decided on 14 May 2024 to install a temporary committee to formulate a framework or method for the assessment of Leiden University’s institutional collaborations with external partners, if there is a reason to do so. The advice and framework were presented to the Executive Board on 20 February 2025. 4 See advice of the temporary committee on assessing ethical aspects of collaborations, 20 February 2025: https://www.universiteitleiden.nl/binaries/content/assets/algemeen/bb-scm/nieuws/advice-of-temporarycommittee-.pdf. 5 For each level, questions were formulated to help inform and raise awareness about potential human rights violations related to international cooperation (see appendix 1). Together, the answers inform the weighing process of pros and cons of cooperation with the partner, whether current or envisaged. The Committee did not conduct independent historical nor empirical research, but focused primarily on identifying internationally recognised, objective, and authoritative sources, 5 and based its assessment of the situation in Israel-Palestinian occupied territory including Gaza on these sources. The Committee considered it crucial to engage the university community and asked the University Council as well as staff and students to provide it with written input, contributing to a broader view on opinions within the academic community, within the limited time frame that was available. A large number of students and staff responded to this call and put forward a wide variety of perspectives. The Committee has taken these perspectives, which demonstrate immense commitment, into consideration when formulating its advice. The Committee members also attended dialogues taking place within the university during the assessment period. 6 Finally, there has been regular contact in a collegial context between the Dutch universities (within the context of Universities of the Netherlands, UNL) and with the Flemish universities (between UNL and Flemish Interuniversity Council, VLIR) to discuss and learn from each other how to navigate the situation with sensitive collaborations. So far, nine Dutch universities and all Flemish universities have published their decisions on current and future cooperation with universities in Israel, 7 and the Committee has made use of their findings where the same partner universities were concerned. The Committee met with a number of directly interested parties during four meetings and convened on 10 June, 30 June, and 8 July 2025 for discussions on the present advice. 5 Reports and decisions of international and regional judicial or supervisory bodies and agencies, such as the UN Human Rights Committee (UNHCR), the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the International Criminal Court (ICC). 6 Two debates have taken place at Leiden University: ‘Palestinian-Israeli Coexistence in the Middle East, 17 June 2025 and ‘A University Conversation on Israel/Palestine’, 1 July 2025. 7 The University of Amsterdam, Tilburg University, Radboud University Nijmegen, Erasmus University Rotterdam, and Delft University of Technology have published the advice of their advisory committees; Eindhoven University of Technology, Wageningen University and Research, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam , and University of Twente have made statements on their websites. 6 3. Full assessments 3.1 Assessment of the general situation (Context) The Executive Board’s request to review the arrangements for student exchanges with Hebrew University and Tel Aviv University must be seen in the context of the current Israel-Palestine conflict. Information about the conflict is widely available and does not need to be repeated in full here. Suffice to recall that the current phase of the conflict started with the terrorist attack by Hamas on Israel on 7 October 2023, in which well over 1,100 individuals were killed, widespread gender-based violence occurred and at least 247 persons were taken hostage. Israel responded with extensive military operations, notably in Gaza and the West Bank and other areas. It is estimated that well over 50,000 individuals were killed; extensive damage was caused to civilian infrastructure, including hospitals, schools and universities; the already extremely vulnerable Palestinian population in the Gaza Strip was subjected to large-scale displacement. As early as January 2024 the situation in Gaza was described as ‘catastrophic’, 8 and it has since deteriorated. In a series of interim decisions, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) found that it was plausible that the right of Palestinians in the Gaza Strip to be protected from acts of genocide and related prohibited acts identified in Article III of the Genocide Convention was at stake, and that a real and imminent risk of irreparable harm existed. The ICJ ordered Israel to ‘immediately halt its military offensive, and any other action in the Rafah Governorate, which may inflict on the Palestinian group in Gaza conditions of life that could bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part.’9 To date, Israel has not complied with this order. It should be noted that the ICJ has not yet delivered its opinion on the merits of the dispute; a final judgment may take several years. Separately, the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued, on 21 November 2024, arrest warrants for two Israeli leaders and for a Hamas leader; it later became clear that the latter was killed in Gaza. The two Israeli leaders are charged with war crimes and crimes against humanity. 10 The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has warned repeatedly of violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law. In May 2025, he noted that ‘there appears to be a push for a permanent demographic shift in Gaza that is in defiance of international law and is tantamount to ethnic cleansing.’11 8 See, e.g., ICJ, Application of the Convention of Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v. Israel), Order of 26 January 2024, para. 72. 9 ICJ, Application of the Convention of the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v. Israel), Order of 24 May 2024, para. 50. 10 See https://www.icc-cpi.int/news/situation-state-palestine-icc-pre-trial-chamber-i-rejects-state-israelschallenges 11 UN OHCHR, 16 May 2025, ‘Türk deplores Gaza escalation, pleads for global action to stop more killings’. 7 In April 2024, UN experts drew attention to the widespread destruction of the education system in Gaza. They reported that ‘after six months of military assault, more than 5,479 students, 261 teachers and 95 university professors have been killed in Gaza, and over 7,819 students and 756 teachers have been injured (…). At least 60 per cent of educational facilities, including 13 public libraries, have been damaged or destroyed, and at least 625,000 students have no access to education. Another 195 heritage sites, 227 mosques and three churches have also been damaged or destroyed, including the Central Archives of Gaza, containing 150 years of history. Israa University, the last remaining university in Gaza was demolished by the Israeli military on 17 January 2024. (…). With more than 80% of schools in Gaza damaged or destroyed, it may be reasonable to ask if there is an intentional effort to comprehensively destroy the Palestinian education system, an action known as ‘scholasticide’. 12 In the Netherlands, the Court of Appeal of The Hague had to rule on the legality of arms transfers to Israel. Based on an elaborate analysis of the facts, the Court of Appeal found that there was a clear risk of serious violations of international humanitarian law. 13 The case is currently pending before the Supreme Court. In May 2025, the Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs took the view that Israel is violating international humanitarian law by blocking the provision of food to Gaza; he called for a review of the situation by the European Union (EU) in the context of the association agreement with Israel. 14 The proposal received support from a large majority of Member States, and the review procedure was consequently started. 15 The Committee understands that these facts have emerged in the context of a deeply rooted and highly complex conflict. In fact, the conflict extends well beyond the Gaza strip and includes the West Bank and East Jerusalem, as well as Lebanon and Syria. 16 The recent war with Iran shows how volatile the situation in the region is. 12 https://www/ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/04/un-experts-deeply-concerned-over-scholasticide-gaza. See also Report of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem. and Israel. A/HRC/59/26. Furthermore, see the project and exhibition ’Picturing Scholasticide’: Preserving knowledge, culture, and lives’ by Leiden University researchers Nadia Sonneveld, Matthew Canfield, Elisa Da Via, and Benjamin Fogarty-Valenzuela. This project was made possible with funding from a Leiden KIEM grant. 13 The Hague Court of Appeal, 12 February 2024, ECLI:NL:GHDHA:2024:191. 14 See Parliamentary papers, House of Representatives , 2024-2025, 32623, nr. 352; see also NOS, 7 May 2025, ‘Veldkamp wil Europees onderzoek naar Israël: “Blokkade schendt verdrag”’. 15 See https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/ATAG/2025/772892/EPRS_ATA(2025)772892_EN.pdf; EU External Action Service, press release of 20 May 2025, ‘Foreign Affairs Council: press remarks by High Representative Kaja Kallas after the meeting’. 16 Part of this context was analysed in ICJ, Legal Consequences arising from the Policies and Practices of Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, Advisory Opinion of 19 July 2024. 8 Mentioning the facts, opinions, judicial findings and (preliminary) decisions described above does not imply any denial or questioning of Israel’s right to self-defence – a right that is vehemently asserted by the Israeli government. Instead, these observations relate to the way in which Israel used, and continues to use, armed force and the consequences that this use of force entails. The Committee is also very much aware that views differ widely, and emotions run very high – in the first place, of course, amongst those who are directly affected by the conflict. But across the globe very strong messages can be heard in support of either Israel or Palestine. Both in politics and in public debate, very different interpretations have been voiced of the causes and nature of the conflict, and possible solutions. These discussions are also present at our university. Students and staff have clearly shown themselves to be engaged with the conflict and its victims. The large number of responses the committee has received from Leiden University students and staff as well as the responses from the Committee for Education and Research of the University Council following its call also reflect this diversity of opinions and interpretations on this issue within the university’s academic community. Various Dutch universities have already reviewed their relationships with partners in Israel. The Flemish Interuniversity Council (VLIR) and the Flemish universities have evaluated academic collaboration with Israel, partly in response to an open letter from more than 6,600 professors, university staff and students. The letter called for recognition of and respect for international law, the end of academic collaboration with Israel, the application of the precautionary principle, and a joint effort to halt European-funded research with Israel.17 The presidents of 10 Belgian universities have called for suspending the European association treaty with Israel. 18With the establishment of the Committee on Human Rights and Conflict Areas, Leiden University has set the procedure in motion to re-assess its collaborative ties with Israeli academic institutions. The Committee is clearly not a court of law that can establish the facts and then rule on the legality of conduct, let alone impose penalties, nor can it award compensation. The same applies to Leiden University. The matter at hand is limited to reviewing the impact of institutional ties between our university and its current academic partners in Israel and advising on the University’s policy implications. In terms of the conduct of Israel in Gaza, the Committee accepts that there is a measure of uncertainty as to the facts. Contradictory claims are made; allegations are refuted. The scope for independent fact-finding is very limited, at least in part because international journalists are not 17 https://www.vrt.be/vrtnws/nl/2025/01/14/6-500-academici-roepen-in-open-brief-onderwijsinstellingenop-to/ 18 See Press release: https://vlir.be/nieuws/samenwerkingisrael/#:~:text=De%20Vlaamse%20Interuniversitaire%20Raad%20(VLIR,Europees%20gefinancierde%20ond erzoekssamenwerking%20met%20Isra%C3%ABl. Urgent appeal to the leaders of the European Union and the Member States to immediately suspend the Association Agreement between Israel and the European Union | Université catholique de Louvain 9 allowed to enter Gaza. Many individuals who reported about the situation from within Gaza have been killed. Yet, basing itself on authoritative international sources, and limiting its assessment to the conduct of Israel – as requested by the Executive Board – the Committee entertains no doubts that Israel is responsible for serious violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law. 3.2 Assessment of the position of the academic partners in Israel (Partners) Regarding the academic partner institutions in Israel, the Committee notes at the outset that Leiden University has a limited number of exchange agreements in place. In the case of Hebrew University of Jerusalem (HUJ), the only exchange agreement currently in place is with the Institute of Political Science at the Faculty of Social Sciences. This agreement runs until 31 August 2027. It allows both partners to send 2 students for an academic year, or 4 students for a semester. The agreement can be terminated by either party, provided that written notice is given at least 6 months in advance. Previously, an Erasmus+ cooperation scheme existed between HUJ and Leiden University, which ended earlier in 2025. In the case of Tel Aviv University (TAU), Leiden Law School has an agreement that runs until 31 August 2027, providing for 2 students for one semester. The Faculty of Humanities had an exchange agreement that ended earlier in 2025. Due to the limited scope of these exchange programmes, Leiden University has received only a small number of students from Israel through such agreements. No students from Leiden University were sent from 2023 onwards because of safety concerns and the travel advice of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. For the sake of clarity, it is repeated that this advice is limited to institutional ties between Leiden University and Israeli universities. Consequently, Israeli students who independently apply for programmes offered by Leiden University are not affected. In examining the institutional ties between Leiden University and the two Israeli universities, the Committee identified two factors that may pose challenges to continued collaboration: the institutional ties of HUJ and TAU with the Israeli military, and the way academic values are currently implemented at these universities. Institutional ties with the military There is ample evidence that all public universities in Israel cooperate closely with the Israeli army, the Israeli Defence Force (IDF), in the context of training, research and development, and 10 knowledge sharing, and provide facilities and expertise to the education and training of future military. 19 Hebrew University of Jerusalem operates the Havatzalot training programme for military students, to prepare them for the work of the IDF intelligence services, the Talpiot programme to train military students in the field of technology, and the Tzameret programme providing classes in military medicine to postpone military service and then work as a doctor for the IDF. 20 Similarly, at Tel Aviv University there are various projects and programmes with the IDF, such as the Eretz programme in which IDF security officers participate, 21 and the Galim programme ‘where soldiers receive academic guidance from the Intelligence Corps to prepare for placement in technological units of the Israeli military and in the security forces. 22 In addition, there are former high-ranking officers who hold important administrative and academic positions within the universities, 23 research projects and conferences with military and security 19 See, for instance, the Atuda Programma (Ministry of Education, 2023). Students who take part in this programme can postpone their military service, and their tuition fee is (partly) covered by the IDF in exchange for prolonged service after the completion of their studies (see also Wind 2024) 20 Further reference to the Havatzalot programme: https://www.jpost.com/israel-news/jerusalems-hebrewuniversity-to-host-military-intelligence-program-586822 The entanglement of Hebrew University of Jerusalem with the IDF is for instance illustrated by the Talpiot programme which is managed by Israel’s Ministry of Defence and one of Israel’s elite military technology units. See Maya Wind, Towers of Ivory and Steel, New York: Verso (2024: 101-102). Further reference to Talpiot programme: https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/israels-edge-the-story-of-the-idfs-most-elite-unittalpiot-2/ Yet, another programme under the name of Tzameret provides classes in military medicine to postpone military service and then work as a doctor for the IDF. See: https://www.jpost.com/health-andscience/largest-ever-class-of-military-track-med-students-to-begin-studies-328448#:%7E:text=Sixtyfour%20new%20medical%20students%20will%20on%20Sunday%20become,physicians%20for%20at%20le ast%20five%20or%20six%20years 21 Maya Wind, Towers of Ivory and Steel, New York: Verso (2024: 3,12). 22 Maya Wind, Towers of Ivory and Steel, New York: Verso (2024:102). 23 Isaac Ben-Israel, a retired major general, whose last appointment in the Israeli military was as head of MAFAT (Israel’s Administration for the Development of Weapons and Technological Infrastructure, the R&D directorate of Israel’s Ministry of Defence), joined the faculty of TAU in 2002. He founded and still heads the Yuval Ne’eman Workshop for Science, Technology and Security, ‘which leads academic research with concrete applications for the security state, including cybersecurity, robotics, missiles, and guided weapons’. See Maya Wind, Towers of Ivory and Steel, New York: Verso (2024: 107) and website Technion R&D Foundation: https://www.trdf.co.il/eng/. 11 services, 24 technological collaborations with the defence industry, 25 and legal departments for the defence of military operations. 26 Many universities around the world maintain collaborations with military institutions and the defence industry. However, in the case of the ties between, on the one hand, Hebrew University and Tel Aviv University and, on the other hand, the Israeli military, it is to be noted that internationally recognised legal bodies—including the International Court of Justice (ICJ)—have determined that in the current situation there is a plausible case of grave and systematic violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the risk of genocide, being committed by the Israel Defence Forces. Academic values The abundance of information and reports about HUJ and TAU gives rise to a mixed picture regarding scientific integrity, academic freedom, and the expression of criticism. On the one hand, dissenting voices are present27 , while on the other, it is becoming increasingly difficult to express oneself freely. Although this is especially true for Palestinian28 (including so-called Arab Israeli) 24 Academic research supporting military-technological applications (such as military medicine, drones, defence innovations) is facilitated through institutions affiliated with the IDF (reference) Research and technological knowledge contribute to military capacity; the research is funded by MAFAT that finances research projects in various fields that are related to warfare. See Maya Wind, Towers of Ivory and Steel, New York: Verso (2024: 107-108). Another example is the conference organised by Tel Aviv University entitled ‘Warfare of Tomorrow’ (December 2024) in which new technologies were introduced, designed to improve the IDF to kill faster, more effectively, and with as little human contact as possible’. ‘These technologies rely on “field experience” – that is, the IDF’s devastating campaign of destruction in Gaza’. During the conference a video was shown about an engineering war room creating life-saving solutions (solutions for our warriors), that have killed thousands of people (including children). See Academy4Equality on the social media platform X: https://x.com/AcademiaFor/status/1868962168273822066. 17 December 2024. 25 The commercial branch of Hebrew University under the name Yissum markets knowledge about military applications in collaboration with the military industry (reference); the commercial branch of Tel Aviv University under the name Ramot markets knowledge about military applications in collaboration with the military industry. Tel Aviv University’s nanoscience centre works with Israel Aerospace Industries and Elbit Systems on security and military technologies; Tel Aviv University Ventures also collaborates with Shin Bet, one of the three principal organisations of the Israeli Intelligence Community. See Maya Wind, Towers of Ivory and Steel, New York: Verso (2024: 108). Finally, projects such as autonomous drone navigation are being carried out in partnership with companies like Elbit and this technology has been used against civilians in Gaza (Operation Protective Edge, 2014; see https://www.amnesty.org.uk/gaza-operation-protective-edge). 26 TAU’s Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) and the Law & National Security Programme provide legal support (publications defend military operations; development of legal frameworks to counter ICC or Amnesty International findings; promotion of ‘Dahiya Doctrine’ – intensive bombing strategy). See Maya Wind, Towers of Ivory and Steel, New York: Verso (2024: 23, 37,95). 27 See for example https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2025-05-28/ty-article/.premium/1-300-israeliacademics-urge-end-to-gaza-war-citing-moral-collapse/00000197-1617-df22-a9d7-9ef7724d0000 28 A well-documented example is the case of Palestinian academic Professor Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian, who was suspended and policed for her criticism of Israel’s policies and statements about genocide in Gaza. Her arrest in April 2024 was widely condemned as a political act that undermines academic freedom. See Scholars at Risk Network, 2024. 12 students and faculty, we observe that it is also increasingly difficult for Israeli students and faculty to speak out freely.29 Concerns about the roles of HUJ and TAU in promoting the Israeli government’s narrative regarding the conflict and the Palestinian people, as well as their entanglement with the military forces enforcing that narrative, are echoed in a recent report by Francesca Albanese, UN Special Rapporteur on the Occupied Palestinian Territories: In Israel, universities – particularly law schools, archaeology and Middle Eastern studies departments – contribute to the ideological scaffolding of apartheid, cultivating State-aligned narratives, erasing Palestinian history and justifying occupation practices. Meanwhile, science and technology departments serve as research and development hubs for collaborations between the Israeli military and arms contractors, including Elbit Systems, Israel Aerospace Industries, IBM and Lockheed Martin, and so contribute to producing the tools for surveillance, crowd control, urban warfare, facial recognition and targeted killing, tools that are effectively tested on Palestinians. 30 In this context, too, the archaeological excavations in internationally recognised occupied Palestinian territory including the Westbank and East-Jerusalem in which HUJ and TAU staff participate, violate international law.31 3.3 Possible consequences for student exchange programmes (Activities) The Committee recalls that the exchange agreements that are currently in force provide for a very small number of exchanges. In addition, since January 2024 all exchange programmes have been discontinued. As is reflected by the negative travel advice of the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the current situation in Israel has an impact on the security of those present in the territory. The security situation also impacts their freedom of movement, while their freedom of expression is also under pressure. During recent wars, Palestinian students have been condemned, banned from participating or pressured for expressing criticism. See this Israeli NGO: https/www.adalah.org/en/content/view/11116; also see this Palestinian NGO in Israel: https/www.mada-research.org/storage/PDF/2025/Between%20the%0Grip30.6.pdf. 29 See https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/resources/free-to-think-2024/#Israel; see furthermore https://www.aaup.org/academe/issues/winter-2025/use-and-misuse-academic-freedom#sidebar and https://www.academia4equality.com/en/post/new-report-by-academia-for-equality-silencing-in-academiasince-the-start-of-the-war 30 Francesca Albanese, A/HRC/59/23: From economy of occupation to economy of genocide – Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967 (Advance edited version), point 82, p.23-24. 31 See UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and Israel, A/HRC/59/26 Report 6 May 2025; Emek Shaveh, Appropriating the Past: Israel’s Archaeological Practices in the West Bank, (Israeli NGO operating within the ’green line’). 13 The Committee has no indications that the activities of the student exchange programmes with Hebrew University of Jerusalem and Tel Aviv University have directly led to the oppression of minorities or contributed to armed conflict and conflict situations, or gross and systematic human rights violations. Yet, as far as the Committee could ascertain, there is a certain likelihood that Leiden University exchange students could come into a situation in which they participate in or contribute to research that is involved in the oppression of minorities or that contributes to armed conflict and conflict situations (e.g. archaeological projects, history and cultural studies, political science, and law). The likelihood of this varies, depending on the field of study and the concrete activities. Although good preparation can have a mitigating effect, it is difficult to apply sufficient mitigating measures to exclude that chance. 14 4 Conclusion and advice Based on the assessment of the current context and of the involvement of the partners in the current situation, the Committee accepts that Hebrew University of Jerusalem and Tel Aviv University, to the extent that they are institutionally entangled with the Israeli military, are implicated in or contributing to serious violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law. Continuing these partnerships would place Leiden University in a morally precarious position and challenge Leiden University’s professed commitment to its core values, especially its responsibility to cultivate an open, inclusive community and uphold academic freedom. The latter becomes impossible when certain categories of the academic and broader community, namely Palestinian scholars and civilians, are being excluded and/or eliminated by the IDF, which acts amid associations with and with the awareness of Leiden’s partner institutions, HUJ and TAU. The Committee concludes that the close connection between the Israeli partner institutions and the Israeli defence makes the current situation morally problematic. Since the ties with these universities have been ratified at the institutional level, the continuation of the collaboration in the form of student exchange programmes would imply that Leiden University is willing to remain passive in the face of all the wrongdoing. Its knowledge of this possibility places Leiden University at odds with its own core values, particularly the principle of responsibility, which must ‘set the direction for (…) the partnerships we establish’.32 The Committee therefore advises the Executive Board: – to suspend the existing student exchange programmes with Hebrew University of Jerusalem and Tel Aviv University until further notice, i.e. until the Executive Board sees fit to request a fresh advice of the Committee; – not to engage in new student exchange programmes with academic institutions in Israel with similar close ties with the Israeli military until further notice, i.e. until the Executive Board sees fit to submit new agreements for consideration by the Committee. The Committee emphasises that the suspension of these exchange programmes addresses the universities as institutions; it does not have a bearing on the admission of individual students and on academic contacts between individual staff members. While many students and academic colleagues at these universities dissent individually and sometimes collectively, it is becoming increasingly difficult, if not impossible, for them to be heard. In contexts where academic freedom is limited, sustaining individual contacts and receiving individual students, beyond the institutional framework, is essential to supporting these voices and to welcoming them in our classrooms to enrich our discussions with their perspectives and experiences. 32Innovating and Connecting. Leiden University Strategic Plan 2022-2027, p.17. 15 Appendix 1: Questions to inform the decision-making process Context • Does the collaboration take place in a geopolitical context in which the oppression of minorities or a contribution to armed conflict and conflict situations, or gross and systematic human rights violations have been documented? • Does the collaboration take place in a geopolitical context where academic institutions are likely to be instrumentalised by the government and/or where the academic freedom of scholars and students is likely to be restricted by the government? Partner • Does the partner provide sufficient readily available information on its research, education and impact activities? • Are there recent documented allegations that any of the collaboration partners are involved in the oppression of minorities or contribute to armed conflict and conflict situations, or gross and systematic human rights violations? • Are there recent documented allegations that any of the collaboration partners systematically violate the academic freedom of their staff, fellows and/or students? Activities • Could the activities lead to involvement in the oppression of minorities or contribute to armed conflict and conflict situations, or gross and systematic human rights violations? • Are students or staff participating in the exchange or fellowship programme, etc., placed in an environment where their exercise of human rights, such as freedom of expression or freedom of movement, is likely to be restricted? • Is there a possibility that students or staff participating in the exchange or fellowship programme will have to participate in or contribute to research that involves the oppression of minorities or supports armed conflict and conflict situations, or gross and systematic human rights violations? • Is there a possibility that students or staff will enter an unsafe environment for an unsafe environment?
======================================================
Saturday, 12 July 2025 – 10:35
Dutch universities continue facing backlash over Israeli research ties amid Gaza war
Dutch universities are under growing pressure from pro-Palestinian activists to cut research ties with Israeli institutions, but more than 140 collaborations allegedly remain in place, many supported by European Union funding, according to De Telegraaf.
The partnerships span fields such as physics, medicine, agriculture and technology, typically involving consortia of dozens of international partners. While none of the projects are explicitly military, at least 14 could lead to applications in defense, according to an investigation by De Telegraaf.
Concerns about so-called “dual-use” technologies—innovations that can serve civilian and military goals—have escalated since Israel’s offensive in Gaza began last year. Student protests have erupted at all 13 Dutch universities.
Wageningen University & Research (WUR) has been singled out by demonstrators for refusing to end cooperation with Israeli partners. “WUR works on food security and flood mitigation,” a spokesperson said. “We do not collaborate on military projects with Israel.”
One WUR initiative includes more than 40 partners, among them the Israeli Nature and Parks Authority and the Reichman Institute. Activists argue that WUR should pull out because the Reichman Institute works with Elbit Systems, a defense contractor. WUR has also been criticized over its involvement in an EU-funded wildfire prevention study with Airbus, which supplies helicopters to the Israeli military.
Meanwhile, faculty at WUR have pledged not to supervise students who wish to join exchange programs with the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, which they accuse of housing students in occupied territories and training Israeli security forces. The university disputes that claim.
Several institutions, including universities in Amsterdam, Utrecht, Delft, Leiden, Tilburg, Radboud, Rotterdam and Eindhoven, have suspended most exchange programs with Israeli universities. Even degree programs such as Hebrew studies have been affected.
The University of Twente has reportedly taken a more cautious approach, keeping collaborations active while forming an ethics committee to review them. Ongoing Twente projects include mental health data research with Ben-Gurion University, water pollution detection with Haifa University, and elder-care innovations with Tel Aviv University and Sheba Medical Center.
Twente is also allegedly involved with Delft University of Technology and defense firm Thales on technologies to protect vehicles from electromagnetic fields. Although Thales and Fokker are not Israeli, they reportedly supply components for F-35 jets used in Gaza.
TU Delft defends its engagement with defense industries as a “societal responsibility” to strengthen security amid geopolitical tensions. Nonetheless, it announced this summer that it would no longer start new projects with Israeli institutions over concerns about complicity in human rights abuses. Sixteen existing partnerships will continue under review, including work on hydrogen aircraft engines and drone systems for medical use. One Israeli partner, Flyvercity, develops drones for urban transport.
Dual-use potential is at the heart of the debate. One EU-backed program, worth more than 28 million euros, develops hybrid-electric aircraft materials and involves Israel Aerospace Industries, which manufactures both civilian and military systems, including the Iron Dome missile defense network.
“Almost everything is dual use,” Patrick Bolder of Dutch think tank HCSS told NOS. “Israel’s military AI is already so advanced I doubt we are contributing much.” Most Dutch research, universities note, is in early-stage development, far from deployment.
Eindhoven University of Technology has stressed that Israeli researchers do not represent the government. Even so, it suspended ties with the Technion earlier this year, citing the war’s impact on public perception. Joint research had focused on OLED screens and AI in construction.
“It’s not the science itself that changed,” Eindhoven’s board said, “but the situation in Gaza makes unrestricted cooperation morally untenable.”
israel-academia-monitor.com 