Pro-Palestinian Propagandists at Ben Gurion University: Yonatan Mendel as a Case in Point

01.07.21

Editorial Note

Dr. Yonatan Mendel teaches in the Department of Middle East Studies at Ben Gurion University.   Unfortunately, Mendel, like many of his radicalized peers, is a long-time pro-Palestinian activist.   

In the past decade, Haaretz published Mendel’s polemics in Hebrew, including:  “The Joint List – the democratic soul here”; “The Arab parties – the last fortress of democracy in Israel”; “The last hours of Arabic as an official language”; “A scary four-letter word that justifies everything”; “A language doing her a favor”; “Praises for Umm al-Fahm”; “Answers to the question of what it means to be a Palestinian in your eyes”; “When speaking Arabic in the Knesset”; “What would we do without the “Palestinian incitement”?”; “Score, Ayman, Score”; “Silence in return for a lie”; “Israeli Hasbara Against Israel”; “Hamas – really no one to talk to?”; “Palestine Ultrasound”; “Unilateral State”; “Great experts for Arabs”; “The Palestinians are disappearing again”; “Now it is forbidden to remain silent.” 

Mendel contributed a chapter “The Oslo ‘Peace Process’ and the End of Peace” to the 2019 book, From the River to the Sea: Palestine and Israel in the Shadow of “Peace,” edited by Prof. Mandy Turner. Between 2012-2019 Turner was the Director of the Kenyon Institute, a Palestinian British Academy-sponsored research center based in East Jerusalem. The book is a collection of anti-Israel diatribes.  Mendel claims that “it was the Labor Party that was in office from 1948 and hence bears considerable responsibility for the ongoing Palestinian Nakba (including the rejection of the return of refugees); it led the military regime imposed on Palestinian citizens of Israel, inside Israel, from 1948–1966; furthermore, it led the government that occupied the West Bank and Gaza following the 1967 war and created the first settlements in the West Bank.”

Mendel’s 2014 book, The Creation of Israeli Arabic: Political and Security Considerations in the Making of Arabic Language Studies in Israel, discussed a “message of delegitimizing Palestinian Arab parties,” and that such a “message was further promoted by the popular mainstream media, which consistently portrays the Palestinian-Arab citizens of Israel as a threat. Zionist opposition parties and leaders have also played a key role in this delegitimization by constantly insisting that Israel should be, first and foremost, a state for the political thought, aspirations and desires of Jewish citizens only.”

review of the book by Muhammad Amara from Beit Berl College, published by the Journal of Palestine Studies, in 2016, stated about Arabic teaching that “the language and its culture evoke extremely negative and aggressive attitudes.” For him, Mendel was “investigating the process by which Arabic was transformed from the language of the neighbor into the language of the enemy.”  

Not surprisingly, the book has won the British-Kuwait Friendship Society Book Prize in 2015.

In 2016, Mendel wrote an article in Haaretz justifying terrorism against Israelis and blaming it on the “Israeli occupation”. For him, a “reference to ‘Palestinian incitement’ after each attack, is very disturbing. There is no denying that there have indeed been those in the West Bank and Gaza Strip calling for the use of violence, but things must be stated accurately: These are secondary tremors. The main temblor is the reality that between the Mediterranean and the Jordan River there is only one state, Israel; only one army, the Israel Defense Forces; only one people that enjoys independence; only one Law of Return; only one hope; and also only one occupation.” 

The worst is what he wrote on the killer of Dafna Meir, who was murdered at her doorstep in Otniel: “Try to imagine that the person who carried out the terrorist attack in Otniel, 16-year-old Murad Adais from Beit Amra in the southern West Bank, had not watched television in the days prior to the attack. What insight could be drawn from that? What would he have seen from the window of his home? Which Israelis would he have met? Soldiers at a roadblock? Settlers going around with weapons whose communities were built on Palestinian land?”

Mendel thinks that blaming Palestinian incitement for terrorism is “Pavlovian.”  

This Mendel’s piece was picked up by the anti-Semitic website of “Jew World Order,” that “Jesus called them the Synagogue Of Satan – Antichrist.” Their “about us” chapter explains, “When you cannot criticize the Jews, without getting jailed for being anti Semite, you know we live in a Communist Dictatorship. Once you are awake, you cannot fall back to sleep. The truth has no agenda.” The website was created by a group of “concerned individuals, and true Christians,” wishing to tell the world about the “criminal murderous Khazars, that fraudulently call themselves Jews… We support the True Semites (Palestinians), not the fakes that call themselves Jews. We support the true Hebrews (Negros) not the fakes that call themselves Jews.”   

Mendel’s view of Israel is highly misleading. He wrote about Israel’s elections in 2015:  “What else can be said about a country whose electoral options run from bad to worse, from xenophobia to all-out racism?”

His latest venture is a course (with Dotan Halevi) “Gaza: History, Society, Culture and Politics” for second-year students. They boast about having hosted “more than 20 experts on Gazan including Israeli, Palestinian and international scholars; experts on the ground; representatives from the former Jewish settlement of Gush Katif, which Israel evacuated in 2005; journalists; artists; UN representatives; and Israeli government officials.”

However, in a public statement, they explained that “Of all the speakers, not even one found the siege of Gaza to be sustainable.”   

This statement misrepresents the realities.  In 2007, after a bloody purge of the Fatah forces, Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad turned the enclave into an armed camp with projectiles threatening Israeli citizens. In the last round, some 4000 rockets and missiles were launched toward Israeli cities as far as Beersheba and Tel Aviv.  The terror group has embedded with the population, effectively turning it into a human shield.   

Over the years, IAM had repeatedly discussed the problems with radical academics who use their academic pulpit to spread anti-Israel propaganda under the guise of scholarship.  This faux scholarship serves as a cover for the anti-Israel and anti-Semitic elements in the West.  The pro-Palestinian camp is a major consumer of such writings. 

The Israeli government has spent a small fortune fighting academic BDS and anti-Semitism. It would be well advised to note the role of some Israeli scholars in the delegitimization process. 

https://www.972mag.com/gaza-siege-erez-crossing-manager/

Open Gaza immediately,’ says manager of Israel-Gaza crossing

The Erez Crossing manager debunks myth that restrictions on Gaza uphold security, believes Israel should engage directly with Hamas.

By  Meron Rapoport

June 21, 2021

Opening up Gaza “is clearly in Israel’s interest,” said the manager of the Erez Crossing between Israel and Gaza, Shlomo Tzaban, during a talk with students at Ben-Gurion University last week.

“Gaza has to be opened up immediately, without linkage to prisoners and missing persons and without linkage to Hamas,” he said. “If we open it [Gaza] today, there will be no suicide bombings and Hamas will be severely weakened.”

Tzaban, who has been overseeing the civilian entry and exit point between Israel and Gaza since security at the crossing was privatized in 2006, was a guest speaker in a class on the history of Gaza headed by Dr. Yonatan Mendel and Dotan Halevi. In a recording of the talk that was reviewed by Local Call, Tzaban, who described himself as “the manager of all of Gaza,” contradicted the positions of many Israeli politicians regarding the strip and debunked the security myths that are commonly used to justify the siege, which Israel has imposed since 2007. The southern Rafah Crossing that Gaza shares with Egypt is the only crossing not controlled by Israel.

Tzaban insisted throughout his lecture that Gaza’s development and prosperity was a necessity — echoing the positions of many former Israeli military officials who have criticized the policy of maintaining the blockade. “If things are bad in Gaza, they will be bad in Israel,” he said.

In his talk, Tzaban outlined the strip’s history since 1948, “as told by Gazans,” he said. Palestinians in Gaza remember Egypt’s rule over the strip from 1948 to 1967 “as a Holocaust,” whereas the years between Israel’s occupation of Gaza from 1967 until the beginning of the First Intifada in 1987 are considered a time of prosperity. “They [Palestinians] remember these years with tears in their eyes,” he claimed.

Following the First Intifada, though, when Israel implemented restrictions on movement for Palestinians in Gaza, a “slippery slope” caused the strip to become a “fifth world” territory, Tzaban explained.

Since Israel’s latest military operation in May, during which Israel killed more than 250 people in Gaza and Hamas killed 13 in Israel, the situation in the strip has extremely deteriorated, said Tzaban. Before the 11-day war, around 700 trucks delivered goods to Gaza through the Kerem Shalom Crossing every day, he said. However, data collected by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in the occupied territories shows that an average of 300 trucks a day were entering Gaza in 2019, and Israel still severely restricts and often entirely forbids the entry of goods that are essential for industry, construction, and other civilian needs. As of the day of the lecture, however, only about 130 trucks were being let in a day, said Tzaban, which aligns with OCHA’s tracking of 4,300 truckloads last month.

‘Gaza is an Israeli problem’

When asked about Israel’s “separation policy” between Gaza and the West Bank, Tzaban replied that while it serves the West Bank, the policy “is very bad for Gaza.” Opening up Gaza, he added, would be very beneficial to Israel. “It is in Israel’s interest that 200,000 Gazans enter [into Israel] today to build us homes and provide financial support to the 2.2 million Palestinians [living there] who have nothing to do with the conflict,” he said.

Tzaban was firm in his position on the lack of security threats involved in opening up Gaza: “Since 2006 to this day, I’ve allowed 9 million Palestinians to enter from Gaza to Israel. There were zero casualties, and zero terrorists,” he said. “If you open the crossings, there will not be a single suicide bombing.”

The Shin Bet, Israel’s internal security agency, “knows how to distinguish between those who are good and those who are bad,” said Tzaban, and Israel “has the most advanced technologies in the world” to inspect those entering Israel. “We must let them [Palestinians] taste what they’ve known between 1967 and 1987, the perks of economy, employment, livelihood, and give them back their dignity,” he added.

Tzaban also expressed unwavering support for direct coordination with Hamas. “I’ve said this a long time ago: We must bring Hamas to the Erez Crossing, we must bring their officers,” he said.

“Do you know that before 1987, Hamas’s leadership, [co-founder] Ahmad Yassin and others, would visit the Kirya freely?” Tzaban remarked, referring to Israel’s military compound in Tel Aviv. “You must understand: agreements are made with enemies, there’s no need for deals with friends. I’m in favor of using mediators, but also of communicating directly [with Hamas], as we did in the Oslo Accords.”

Regarding Hamas, Tzaban claimed on the one hand that “terror organizations must be destroyed, terrorist leaders must be wiped out.” But in the same breath, he argued that opening the crossings between Israel and Gaza is a mutual interest. “Hamas will not prevent the residents of Gaza from entering Israel,” he surmised.

“In five years, there will be 3 million Palestinians in Gaza, living across 365 square kilometers [141 square miles],” stated Tzaban. “Gaza is an Israeli problem, not a Palestinian one.”

He continued: “If we don’t solve this, with immense courage, creativity and the investment of all the countries of the world — the United States, the European Union, the Quartet and others — we will continue to run from incident to incident, from confrontation to confrontation, from war to war, including our grandchildren and great-grandchildren,” said Tzaban. “It will not help — left or right, hawk or dove. We must take action here, open the gates of Gaza and within a decade there will no longer be a terror organization.”

In a statement, the class lecturers, Mendel and Halevi, said they had no part in leaking Tzaban’s talk to the press. They explained that this was the second year that their course on Gaza’s history is being offered, in which they’ve hosted more than 20 experts on Gaza. The class has heard from Israeli, Palestinian and international scholars; experts on the ground; representatives from the former Jewish settlement of Gush Katif, which Israel evacuated in 2005; journalists; artists; UN representatives; and even Israeli government officials. “Of all the speakers, not even one found the siege of Gaza to be sustainable,” the statement said.

In response to a request for comment on Tzaban’s remarks, an Israeli Defense Ministry spokesperson said that “Tzaban presented his personal opinions, which do not represent the Defense Ministry’s position.”

A version of this article was first published in Hebrew on Local Call. Read it here.Meron Rapoport is an editor at Local Call.
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https://www.haaretz.co.il/opinions/.premium-1.9827978
להם יהיה קשה לספר על “נזק אגבי”
יונתן מנדל ודותן הלוי22.05.2021   
נדמה שהתקווה הקמאית של ראש הממשלה המנוח יצחק רבין, שאמר על עזה לפני כשלושה עשורים, “הלוואי שהיתה טובעת בים”, משותפת לרבים בישראל. “הלוואי שהיתה טובעת בים”, מהדהדת הקריאה בין מטוסי חיל האוויר המטילים עוד ועוד פצצות על עזה, בין כתבים ופרשנים משולהבים, וממבול הודעות הטוויטר והווטסאפ של אזרחי ישראל. “הלוואי שהיתה טובעת בים”, מצטלצלת התקווה מהצהרותיהם חמורות הסבר של מנהיגי ישראל.
אבל עזה איננה טובעת. היא צפה כל פעם מחדש, ו–1.5 מיליון הפליטים, 75% מאוכלוסייתה, שבים ומעלים את העובדות שהיינו רוצים להטביע: שהמדינה היהודית הוקמה דרך הפיכתם של מאות אלפי פלסטינים לפליטים ושהיום תפישת הביטחון של ישראל מושתתת, בין היתר, על כליאתם ודיכויים של צאצאיהם. בין אם נראה בכך מחיר רצוי, בלתי נמנע או בלתי נסבל, הרצון להשתיק את עזה נובע מההכרה שהיא תמיד תהיה שם להזכיר איפה אנחנו נמצאים.
רבים מהנהגת פתח צמחו במחנות הפליטים ברצועה. האינתיפאדה הראשונה החלה שם, והסכמי אוסלו התבססו על “עזה תחילה”. בעזה נוסדה הרשות הפלסטינית, ושם צמחה תנועת חמאס. עמירה הס כתבה כבר ב–1996 שעזה “מקפלת בתוכה את כל תולדות הסכסוך הישראלי־פלסטיני”. זו היתה לא רק אבחנה אלא גם נבואה. התמקדות הסכסוך בעזה הלכה והתעצמה עם עליית חמאס לשלטון, וכך גם ההדחקה הישראלית של כל סוגיות הליבה של הסכסוך. אולי בגלל זה קל יותר לכתוב על עזה רק בשפה שמוחקת: טרור, ג’יהאד, מנהרות — עזה כַּמוות.
“הרצועה כמו בית סוהר, בכל מקום תהפוך למטרה”: בין ההפצצות, בעזה סומכים על המזלצה”ל מכנה זאת “נזק אגבי”, אבל לאזרחים שנהרגו ברצועת עזה יש שמות
כשהחלטנו ללמד קורס באוניברסיטת בן־גוריון שיוקדש כולו לעזה, על ההיסטוריה, החברה, התרבות והפוליטיקה שלה, ידענו שאחד הדברים הקשים ביותר שנבקש מהסטודנטים לעשות הוא לחשוב על עזה מחוץ למסגרת הדיון המוכרת. לשחרר אותה מהכבלים של הפרשנים הצבאיים; ללמוד על עיר מסחר מרכזית עם חגים עונתיים משלה עוד מהתקופה העותמנית, על היווצרותה של חברת פליטים דינמית אחרי 1948 ועל האמביציות של ישראל כלפי רצועת החוף הזו, מהכיבוש הראשון ב–1956, דרך הכיבוש של 1967 ועד ההתנתקות החד־צדדית ב–2005.
רצינו שהתלמידים שלנו ייחשפו גם לכתיבה פלסטינית ובינלאומית, ושיעזו להסתכל על העולם מבעד לעיניה, דרך הפואמות של הארון האשם אל־רשיד ומועין בסיסו, הרומנים של עאטף אבו סייף ושיריו של מוחמד עסאף, הזוכה העזתי ב”ערבּ איידול”. חוקרות וחוקרים ישראלים ופלסטינים, נציגי ארגוני סיוע בינלאומיים, אנשי ממסד בעבר ובהווה, אפילו מפוני גוש קטיף, שמחו לקחת חלק בקורס. רק בדוברות צה”ל ומת”ק עזה העדיפו לא לדבר. בין אם מתוך אדישות, או מדיניות, סירבו שם להציג את עמדת הכוח ששולט בפועל על הרצועה.

לשמחתנו, הסטודנטיות והסטודנטים לא מחכים לעמדות רשמיות שיכתיבו להם מה לחשוב. מדהים באילו מהירות וטבעיות יכולים צעירים בישראל להשתחרר מהדימוי המוכר של “עזה כַּמוות”, ולעבור לדון על עזה של החיים. רק צריך לאפשר את זה. יותר מ–50% מאוכלוסיית עזה הם בגילם של הסטודנטים או פחות. הגיל החציוני בעזה הוא 18. אלה ואלה בגרו אל עזה סגורה ומסוגרת. יידרש מאמץ רב כדי שהדור הזה, שנולד בישראל, יחיה במציאות אחרת, במדינה שבה בעיות פוליטיות זוכות לפתרונות פוליטיים, לא צבאיים.
בכיתה לפחות הם עושים את הצעד הראשון בנקל: כותבים ודנים על אזרחות ופליטוּת, על שלטון פתח ושלטון חמאס, על נקודות האור והצל שבהיסטוריה המשותפת של הישראלים והפלסטינים, על שירה ומוזיקה. בהקשבה לראשים המדברים את עצמם לדעת באולפנים, כשעזה החרבה נשקפת ברקע כשומר מסך, תהינו לא פעם כמה עמוקים ומפתיעים היו הדיונים עם סטודנטים אחרי שנחשפו למאמר, לשיר, למסמך ארכיוני. הם יודעים שמעבר לגדר חיים גם אנשים כמוהם, שכותבים, לומדים ומפתחים אפליקציות וגולשים בים. להם כבר יהיה קשה לספר על “נזק אגבי”.
אפשר לעשות לעזה דה־הומניזציה. אפשר לעשות לקבלת ההחלטות שם דה־רציונליזציה. אפשר להגיד שהם הביאו את זה על עצמם. אפשר לדפדף לעמוד הבא כשקוראים שיותר מ–60 הרוגים בעזה הם ילדים בני חצי שנה עד 16. אפשר לייחל שעזה תמות ואִתה תמות הסוגיה הפלסטינית. אבל אלה מחשבות שווא, שמסיטות את המבט מהמציאות ומרחיקות פתרון. “מה היית רוצה לומר לישראלים”, שאלנו חבר בעזה, פעיל זכויות אדם. “הייתי רוצה להגיד להם את מה שהם לא רוצים לשמוע”, הוא ענה בלי להסס, “שאנחנו בעזה אוהבים את החיים בדיוק כמוכם, ושאנחנו שונאים את המוות לא פחות מכם”.
ד”ר מנדל הוא מרצה במחלקה ללימודי המזרח התיכון באוניברסיטת בן־גוריון, הלוי הוא דוקטורנט באוניברסיטת קולומביה, והם מלמדים יחד את הקורס “עזה: היסטוריה, חברה, תרבות ופוליטיקה”

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First part of the article
Middle East Eye  Monday, September 28, 2015
http://www.middleeasteye.net/news/israel-s-army-and-schools-work-hand-hand-say-teachers-201601890

Israel’s army and schools work hand in hand, say teachers

Close ties means Israeli pupils are being raised to be “good soldiers” rather than good citizens

By Jonathan Cook

 HAIFA – The task for Israeli pupils: to foil an imminent terror attack on their school. But if they are to succeed, they must first find the clues using key words they have been learning in Arabic.

 Arabic lesson plans for Israel’s Jewish schoolchildren have a strange focus.

 Those matriculating in the language can rarely hold a conversation in Arabic. And almost none of the hundreds of teachers introducing Jewish children to Israel’s second language are native speakers, even though one in five of the population belong to the country’s Palestinian minority.

 The reason, says Yonatan Mendel, a researcher at the Van Leer Institute in Jerusalem, is that the teaching of Arabic in Israel’s Jewish schools is determined almost exclusively by the needs of the Israeli army.

 Mendel’s recent research shows that officers from a military intelligence unit called Telem design much of the Arabic language curriculum. “Its involvement is what might be termed an ‘open secret’ in Israel,” he told MEE.

 “The military are part and parcel of the education system. The goal of Arabic teaching is to educate the children to be useful components in the military system, to train them to become intelligence officers.”

Telem is a branch of Unit 8200, dozens of whose officers signed a letter last year revealing that their job was to pry into Palestinians’ sex lives, money troubles and illnesses. The information helped with “political persecution”, “recruiting collaborators” and “driving parts of Palestinian society against itself”, the officers noted.

Mendel said Arabic was taught “without sentiment”, an aim established in the state’s earliest years.

“The fear was that, if students had a good relationship with the language and saw Arabs as potential friends, they might cross over to the other side and they would be of no use to the Israeli security system. That was the reason the field of Arabic studies was made free of Arabs.”

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http://www.lrb.co.uk/v30/n05/print/mend01_.html
London Review of Books
6 March, 2008
Diary: Yonatan Mendel

A year ago I applied for the job of Occupied Territories correspondent at
Ma’ariv, an Israeli newspaper. I speak Arabic and have taught in Palestinian
schools and taken part in many joint Jewish-Palestinian projects. At my
interview the boss asked how I could possibly be objective. I had spent too
much time with Palestinians; I was bound to be biased in their favour. I
didn’t get the job. My next interview was with Walla, Israel’s most popular
website. This time I did get the job and I became Walla’s Middle East
correspondent. I soon understood what Tamar Liebes, the director of the
Smart Institute of Communication at the Hebrew University, meant when she
said: ‘Journalists and publishers see themselves as actors within the
Zionist movement, not as critical outsiders.’

This is not to say that Israeli journalism is not professional. Corruption,
social decay and dishonesty are pursued with commendable determination by
newspapers, TV and radio. That Israelis heard exactly what former President
Katsav did or didn’t do with his secretaries proves that the media are
performing their watchdog role, even at the risk of causing national and
international embarrassment. Ehud Olmert’s shady apartment deal, the
business of Ariel Sharon’s mysterious Greek island, Binyamin Netanyahu’s
secret love affair, Yitzhak Rabin’s secret American bank account: all of
these are freely discussed by the Israeli media.

When it comes to ‘security’ there is no such freedom. It’s ‘us’ and ‘them’,
the IDF and the ‘enemy’; military discourse, which is the only discourse
allowed, trumps any other possible narrative. It’s not that Israeli
journalists are following orders, or a written code: just that they’d rather
think well of their security forces.

In most of the articles on the conflict two sides battle it out: the Israel
Defence Forces, on the one hand, and the Palestinians, on the other. When a
violent incident is reported, the IDF confirms or the army says but the
Palestinians claim: ‘The Palestinians claimed that a baby was severely
injured in IDF shootings.’ Is this a fib? ‘The Palestinians claim that
Israeli settlers threatened them’: but who are the Palestinians? Did the
entire Palestinian people, citizens of Israel, inhabitants of the West Bank
and the Gaza Strip, people living in refugee camps in neighbouring Arab
states and those living in the diaspora make the claim? Why is it that a
serious article is reporting a claim made by the Palestinians? Why is there
so rarely a name, a desk, an organisation or a source of this information?
Could it be because that would make it seem more reliable?

When the Palestinians aren’t making claims, their viewpoint is simply not
heard. Keshev, the Centre for the Protection of Democracy in Israel, studied
the way Israel’s leading television channels and newspapers covered
Palestinian casualties in a given month – December 2005. They found 48 items
covering the deaths of 22 Palestinians. However, in only eight of those
accounts was the IDF version followed by a Palestinian reaction; in the
other 40 instances the event was reported only from the point of view of the
Israeli military.

Another example: in June 2006, four days after the Israeli soldier Gilad
Shalit was kidnapped from the Israeli side of the Gazan security fence,
Israel, according to the Israeli media, arrested some sixty members of
Hamas, of whom 30 were elected members of parliament and eight ministers in
the Palestinian government. In a well-planned operation Israel captured and
jailed the Palestinian minister for Jerusalem, the ministers of finance,
education, religious affairs, strategic affairs, domestic affairs, housing
and prisons, as well as the mayors of Bethlehem, Jenin and Qalqilya, the
head of the Palestinian parliament and one quarter of its members. That
these officials were taken from their beds late at night and transferred to
Israeli territory probably to serve (like Gilad Shalit) as future
bargaining-chips did not make this operation a kidnapping. Israel never
kidnaps: it arrests.

The Israeli army never intentionally kills anyone, let alone murders them –
a state of affairs any other armed organisation would be envious of. Even
when a one-ton bomb is dropped onto a dense residential area in Gaza,
killing one gunman and 14 innocent civilians, including nine children, it’s
still not an intentional killing or murder: it is a targeted assassination.
An Israeli journalist can say that IDF soldiers hit Palestinians, or killed
them, or killed them by mistake, and that Palestinians were hit, or were
killed or even found their death (as if they were looking for it), but
murder is out of the question. The consequence, whatever words are used, has
been the death at the hands of the Israeli security forces since the
outbreak of the second intifada of 2087 Palestinians who had nothing to do
with armed struggle.

The IDF, as depicted by the Israeli media, has another strange ability: it
never initiates, decides to attack or launches an operation. The IDF simply
responds. It responds to the Qassam rockets, responds to terror attacks,
responds to Palestinian violence. This makes everything so much more
sensible and civilised: the IDF is forced to fight, to destroy houses, to
shoot Palestinians and to kill 4485 of them in seven years, but none of
these events is the responsibility of the soldiers. They are facing a nasty
enemy, and they respond dutifully. The fact that their actions – curfews,
arrests, naval sieges, shootings and killings – are the main cause of the
Palestinian reaction does not seem to interest the media. Because
Palestinians cannot respond, Israeli journalists choose another verb from
the lexicon that includes revenge, provoke, attack, incite, throw stones or
fire Qassams.

Interviewing Abu-Qusay, the spokesman of Al-Aqsa Brigades in Gaza, in June
2007, I asked him about the rationale for firing Qassam missiles at the
Israeli town of Sderot. ‘The army might respond,’ I said, not realising that
I was already biased. ‘But we are responding here,’ Abu-Qusay said. ‘We are
not terrorists, we do not want to kill . . . we are resisting Israel’s
continual incursions into the West Bank, its attacks, its siege on our
waters and its closure on our lands.’ Abu-Qusay’s words were translated into
Hebrew, but Israel continued to enter the West Bank every night and Israelis
did not find any harm in it. After all it was only a response.

At a time when there were many Israeli raids on Gaza I asked my colleagues
the following question: ‘If an armed Palestinian crosses the border, enters
Israel, drives to Tel Aviv and shoots people in the streets, he will be the
terrorist and we will be the victims, right? However, if the IDF crosses the
border, drives miles into Gaza, and starts shooting their gunmen, who is the
terrorist and who is the defender? How come the Palestinians living in the
Occupied Territories can never be engaged in self-defence, while the Israeli
army is always the defender?’ My friend Shay from the graphics department
clarified matters for me: ‘If you go to the Gaza Strip and shoot people, you
will be a terrorist. But when the army does it that is an operation to make
Israel safer. It’s the implementation of a government decision!’

Another interesting distinction between us and them came up when Hamas
demanded the release of 450 of its prisoners in exchange for Gilad Shalit.
Israel announced that it would release prisoners but not those with blood on
their hands. It is always the Palestinians – never the Israelis – who have
blood on their hands. This is not to say that Jews cannot kill Arabs but
they will not have blood on their hands, and if they are arrested they will
be released after a few years, not to mention those with blood on their
hands who’ve gone on to become prime minister. And we are not only more
innocent when we kill but also more susceptible when we are hurt. A regular
description of a Qassam missile that hits Sderot will generally look like
this: ‘A Qassam fell next to a residential house, three Israelis had slight
injuries, and ten others suffered from shock.’ One should not make light of
these injuries: a missile hitting a house in the middle of the night could
indeed cause great shock.
However, one should also remember that shock is for Jews only. Palestinians
are apparently a very tough people.

The IDF, again the envy of all other armies, kills only the most important
people. ‘A high-ranking member of Hamas was killed’ is almost a chorus in
the Israel media. Low-ranking members of Hamas have either never been found
or never been killed. Shlomi Eldar, a TV correspondent in the Gaza Strip,
bravely wrote about this phenomenon in his book Eyeless in Gaza (2005). When
Riyad Abu Zaid was assassinated in 2003, the Israeli press echoed the IDF
announcement that the man was the head of the military wing of Hamas in
Gaza. Eldar, one of Israel’s few investigative journalists, discovered that
the man was merely a secretary in the movement’s prisoner club. ‘It was one
of many occasions in which Israel “upgraded” a Palestinian activist,’ Eldar
wrote. ‘After every assassination any minor activist is “promoted” to a
major one.’

This phenomenon, in which IDF statements are directly translated into media
reports – there are no checkpoints between the army and the media – is the
result both of a lack of access to information and of the unwillingness of
journalists to prove the army wrong or to portray soldiers as criminals.
‘The IDF is acting in Gaza’ (or in Jenin, or in Tulkarm, or in Hebron) is
the expression given out by the army and embraced by the media. Why make the
listeners’ lives harder? Why tell them what the soldiers do, describing the
fear they create, the fact that they come with heavy vehicles and weapons
and crush a city’s life, creating a greater hatred, sorrow and a desire for
revenge?

Last month, as a measure against Qassam militants, Israel decided to stop
Gaza’s electricity for a few hours a day. Despite the fact that this means,
for instance, that electricity will fail to reach hospitals, it was said
that ‘the Israeli government decided to approve this step, as another
non-lethal weapon.’ Another thing the soldiers do is clearing – khisuf. In
regular Hebrew, khisuf means to expose something that is hidden, but as used
by the IDF it means to clear an area of potential hiding places for
Palestinian gunmen. During the last intifada, Israeli D9 bulldozers
destroyed thousands of Palestinian houses, uprooted thousands of trees and
left behind thousands of smashed greenhouses. It is better to know that the
army cleared the place than to face the reality that the army destroys
Palestinians’ possessions, pride and hope.

Another useful word is crowning (keter), a euphemism for a siege in which
anyone who leaves his house risks being shot at. War zones are places where
Palestinians can be killed even if they are children who don’t know they’ve
entered a war zone. Palestinian children, by the way, tend to be upgraded to
Palestinian teenagers, especially when they are accidentally killed. More
examples: isolated Israeli outposts in the West Bank are called illegal
outposts, perhaps in contrast to Israeli settlements that are apparently
legal. Administrative detention means jailing people who haven’t been put on
trial or even formally charged (in April 2003 there were 1119 Palestinians
in this situation). The PLO (Ashaf) is always referred to by its acronym and
never by its full name: Palestine is a word that is almost never used –
there is a Palestinian president but no president of Palestine.

‘A society in crisis forges a new vocabulary for itself,’ David Grossman
wrote in The Yellow Wind, ‘and gradually, a new language emerges whose words
. . . no longer describe reality, but attempt, instead, to conceal it.’ This
‘new language’ was adopted voluntarily by the media, but if one needs an
official set of guidelines it can be found in the Nakdi Report, a paper
drafted by the Israeli Broadcasting Authority. First set down in 1972 and
since updated three times, the report aimed to ‘clarify some of the
professional rules that govern the work of a newsperson’. The prohibition of
the term East Jerusalem was one of them.

The restrictions aren’t confined to geography. On 20 May 2006, Israel’s most
popular television channel, Channel 2, reported ‘another targeted
assassination in Gaza, an assassination that might ease the firing of
Qassams’ (up to 376 people have died in targeted assassinations, 150 of them
civilians who were not the target of assassinations). Ehud Ya’ari, a
well-known Israeli correspondent on Arab affairs, sat in the studio and
said: ‘The man who was killed is Muhammad Dahdouh, from Islamic Jihad . . .
this is part of the other war, a war to shrink the volume of Qassam
activists.’ Neither Ya’ari nor the IDF spokesman bothered to report that
four innocent Palestinian civilians were also killed in the operation, and
three more severely injured, one a five-year-old girl called Maria, who will
remain paralysed from the neck down. This ‘oversight’, revealed by the
Israeli journalist Orly Vilnai, only exposed how much we do not know about
what we think we know.

Interestingly, since Hamas took over the Gaza Strip one of the new ‘boo’
words in the Israeli media is Hamastan, a word that appears in the ‘hard’
news section, the allegedly sacred part of newspapers that is supposed to
give the facts, free from editorialising. The same applies to movements such
as Hamas or Hizbullah, which are described in Hebrew as organisations and
not as political movements or parties. Intifada is never given its Arabic
meaning of ‘revolt’; and Al-Quds, which when used by Palestinian politicians
refers only to ‘the holy places in East Jerusalem’ or ‘East Jerusalem’, is
always taken by Israeli correspondents to mean Jerusalem, which is
effectively to imply a Palestinian determination to take over the entire
capital city.

It was curious to watch the newspapers’ responses to the assassination of
Imad Moughniyeh in Syria two weeks ago. Everyone tried to outdo everyone
else over what to call him: arch-terrorist, master terrorist or the greatest
terrorist on earth. It took the Israeli press a few days to stop celebrating
Moughniyeh’s assassins and start doing what it should have done in the first
place: ask questions about the consequences of the killing. The journalist
Gideon Levy thinks it is an Israeli trend: ‘The chain of “terrorist
chieftains” liquidated by Israel, from Ali Salameh and Abu Jihad through
Abbas Musawi and Yihyeh Ayash to Sheikh Ahmed Yassin and Abdel Aziz Rantisi
(all “operations” that we celebrated with great pomp and circumstance for
one sweet and intoxicating moment), have thus far brought only harsh and
painful revenge attacks against Israel and Jews throughout the world.’

Israeli correspondents on Arab affairs must of course speak Arabic – many of
them indeed studied it in the security establishment’s schools – and they
need to know the history and politics of the Middle East. And they have to
be Jews. Strikingly, the Israeli-Jewish media prefer to hire journalists
with average Arabic rather than native speakers, since they would be
Palestinian citizens of Israel. Apparently, Jewish journalists are better
equipped than Arab Israelis to explain ‘what Arabs think’, ‘Arab aims’ or
‘what Arabs say’. Maybe this is because the editors know what their audience
wants to hear. Or, even more important, what the Israeli audience would
rather not hear.

If the words occupation, apartheid and racism (not to mention Palestinian
citizens of Israel, bantustans, ethnic cleansing and Nakba) are absent from
Israeli discourse, Israeli citizens can spend their whole lives without
knowing what they have been living with. Take racism (Giz’anut in Hebrew).
If the Israeli parliament legislates that 13 per cent of the country’s lands
can be sold only to Jews, then it is a racist parliament. If in 60 years the
country has had only one Arab minister, then Israel has had racist
governments. If in 60 years of demonstrations rubber bullets and live
ammunition have been used only on Arab demonstrators, then Israel has a
racist police. If 75 per cent of Israelis admit that they would refuse to
have an Arab neighbour, then it is a racist society. By not acknowledging
that Israel is a place where racism shapes relations between Jews and Arabs,
Israeli Jews render themselves unable to deal with the problem or even with
the reality of their own lives.

The same denial of reality is reflected in the avoidance of the term
apartheid. Because of its association with white South Africa, Israelis find
it very hard to use the word. This is not to say that the exact same kind of
regime prevails in the Occupied Territories today, but a country needn’t
have benches ‘for whites only’ in order to be an apartheid state. Apartheid,
after all, means ‘separation’, and if in the Occupied Territories the
settlers have one road and Palestinians need to use alternative roads or
tunnels, then it is an apartheid road system. If the separation wall built
on thousands of dunams of confiscated West Bank land separates people
(including Palestinians on opposite sides of the wall), then it is an
apartheid wall. If in the Occupied Territories there are two judicial
systems, one for Jewish settlers and the other for Palestinians, then it is
an apartheid justice.

And then there are the Occupied Territories themselves. Remarkably, there
are no Occupied Territories in Israel. The term is occasionally used by a
leftist politician or columnist, but in the hard news section it doesn’t
exist. In the past they were called the Administered Territories in order to
conceal the actual fact of occupation; they were then called Judea and
Samaria; but in Israel’s mass media today they’re called the Territories
(Ha-Shtachim). The term helps preserve the notion that the Jews are the
victims, the people who act only in self-defence, the moral half of the
equation, and the Palestinians are the attackers, the bad guys, the people
who fight for no reason. The simplest example explains it: ‘a citizen of the
Territories was caught smuggling illegal weapons.’ It might make sense for
citizens of an occupied territory to try to resist the occupier, but it
doesn’t make sense if they are just from the Territories.

Israeli journalists are not embedded with the security establishment; and
they haven’t been asked to make their audience feel good about Israel’s
military policy. The restrictions they observe are observed voluntarily,
almost unconsciously – which makes their practice all the more dangerous.
Yet a majority of Israelis feel that their media are too left-wing,
insufficiently patriotric, not on Israel’s side. And the foreign media are
worse. During the last intifada, Avraham Hirschson, then the minister of
finance, demanded that CNN’s broadcasts from Israel be closed down on the
grounds of ‘biased broadcasting and tendentious programmes that are nothing
but a campaign of incitement against Israel’. Israeli demonstrators called
for an end to ‘CNN’s unreliable and terror-provoking coverage’ in favour of
Fox News. Israeli men up to the age of 50 are obliged to do one month’s
reserve service every year. ‘The civilian,’ Yigael Yadin, an early Israeli
chief of staff, said, ‘is a soldier on 11
months’ annual leave.’ For the Israeli media there is no leave.

Yonatan Mendel

Yonatan Mendel was a correspondent for the Israeli news agency Walla. He is
currently at Queens’ College, Cambridge working on a PhD that studies the
connection between the Arabic language and security in Israel.

=====================================================
https://www.cis.cam.ac.uk/activities/post/yonatan-mendel-on-arabic-in-israel/

Yonatan Mendel on Arabic in Israel

8 April 2015

Yonatan Mendel, Research associate University of Cambridge; and post-doctoral researcher at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, is an Israeli linguist whose research centres on the status of the Arabic language within Israeli society. He is also a regular contributor to the LRB, most recently with a Diary piece on Israel’s March election. His latest book The Creation of Israeli Arabic sheds light on a unique corner of the Arab–Israeli conflict: the study and knowledge of Arabic in Jewish-Israeli society. The book explores how security considerations have shaped the study of the Arabic language and of Arab people in Israeli society. Based on research conducted in seven archives in Israel, the book uncovers a new ‘type’ of Arabic created in Israel ̶ passive and securitised. This ‘Israeli Arabic’ has enabled its users to observe the Arab world but not to interact with Arab people in general and with Palestinian citizens of Israel in particular. In their discussion of his book and the ideas surrounding it Dr. Mendel and Professor Yasir Suleiman (head of the Department of Middle Eastern Studies at the University of Cambridge) will provide an unusual view of the Arab-Israeli conflict: through the lens of language studies.

The event will take place on Tuesday 28 April 2015 at 7 p.m at the London Review Bookshop, London.

Click here to book tickets.

Yonatan Mendel, Research Fellow, also discusses the forthcoming Israeli Elections in the London Review of Books

What else can be said about a country whose electoral options run from bad to worse, from xenophobia to all-out racism? There are, I believe, three main blocs. The first wishes to maintain the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians in its current form, preferably with no negotiations, in a liminal situation between cold and open war. The second wishes to dance with the conflict – to negotiate and negotiate as if there were no tomorrow. For the third bloc, there is no conflict at all: the elections are about VAT, the middle class and ‘what it means to be Israeli’.

The full article is available here.

===========================================================

https://mondoweiss.net/2016/02/israel-returns-body-of-palestinian-to-his-family-65-days-after-he-was-killed-by-soldiers-in-jerusalem/
Palestinian violence bred by incitement? You mean the occupation? / Yonatan Mendel
Haaretz 29 Feb 2016 — Did the killer of Shlomit Kriegman, who lives in the Qalandiya refugee camp, need a Twitter account to know that his life was in the dumps? — “Palestinian incitement.” Sometimes I wonder what we would do without that pair of words, or without expressions such as “a tailwind for terrorism,” “defensive democracy” and “What would you have done?” In January, Dafna Meir was murdered at the entrance to her home in Otniel. Most of the media outlets in Israel highlighted the fact that the young Palestinian who murdered her was influenced by inciteful statements broadcast on Palestinian television. On visiting the site of the killing, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu stated that “Palestinian incitement is what is causing terrorism.” . . . This Pavlovian response, which has led public figures to pull out a reference to “Palestinian incitement” after each attack, is very disturbing. There is no denying that there have indeed been those in the West Bank and Gaza Strip calling for the use of violence, but things must be stated accurately: These are secondary tremors. The main temblor is the reality that between the Mediterranean and the Jordan River there is only one state, Israel; only one army, the Israel Defense Forces; only one people that enjoys independence; only one Law of Return; only one hope; and also only one occupation, which will soon be 50 years old. Try for a moment to imagine a world without “Palestinian incitement.” Try to imagine that the person who carried out the terrorist attack in Otniel, 16-year-old Murad Adais from Beit Amra in the southern West Bank, had not watched television in the days prior to the attack. What insight could be drawn from that? What would he have seen from the window of his home? Which Israelis would he have met? Soldiers at a roadblock? Settlers going around with weapons whose communities were built on Palestinian land? (Continued)

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https://www.jewworldorder.org/israel-returns-body-of-palestinian-to-his-family-65-days-after-he-was-killed-by-soldiers-in-jerusalem/
  JEW WORLD ORDER Jesus called them the Synagogue Of Satan – Antichrist
About us When you cannot criticize the Jews, without getting jailed for being anti Semite, you know we live in a Communist Dictatorship. zionist jews Jew World order Once you are awake, you cannot fall back to sleep The truth has no agenda This website was created by a group of concerned individuals, and true Christians, who wish to spread the truth to the people of the world about the criminal murderous Khazars, that fraudulently call themselves Jews. We are happy to announce our website has reached 16,000 unique visitors per day and growing. Thank you to everyone’s support including  Graphics Australia, for hosting us on their fabulous web server, that handles the thousands of visitors a day, including the kosher Hack attacks. Bloggers and Publishing Networks emailing me to get their articles published on my website, are welcome to publish their articles, so keep sending them, and we will keep publishing them. We support the True Semites (Palestinians), not the fakes that call themselves Jews. We support the true Hebrews (Negros) not the fakes that call themselves Jews.

Warning: New Boycott Call Against Tel Aviv University

23.06.21

Editorial Note

Last Sunday, the Rector’s office at Tel Aviv University circulated a letter to all faculty by Prof. Zvi Ziegler, the Chairman of the Inter-University Forum for Combating Academic Boycott, within the Committee of University Heads (VERA).  Ziegler noted that some distinguished academic bodies took a solid anti-BDS stand, dealing a blow to the movement.  However, he warned that covert boycotts still exist and asked the universities to be on the lookout.   He provided some examples: “Discrimination can be manifested in rejecting an article for wrong reasons; Un-invitation or cancellation of an invitation to attend, or lecture, at a conference; Refusal to attend a conference held in Israel, or under the auspices of an Israeli institution when the reason is that the event is Israeli. Organizations which are deciding to call for academic boycotts act contrary to the principle of the universality of science.”  The Rector’s office announced the names of faculty in charge of dealing with the academic boycott of Tel Aviv University.

As it happens, Ziegler’s concerns about the academic boycott have coincided with a new boycott initiative against Tel Aviv University.  

The Middle East Eye (MEE), an Arab-owned British media outlet founded in 2014, has promoted the new boycott call.  The American Enterprise Institute reported that MEE is an English-language front for Qatari-supported groups like the Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas. Jamal Awn Jamal Bessasso, a former official for both Al Jazeera in Qatar and the Hamas-affiliated al-Quds TV in Lebanon, owns and operates MEE through the London-based M.E.E. Ltd. Bessasso was previously employed by Al Jazeera satellite network in Qatar and the Samalink Television Production Company in Lebanon, an agent for Al Quds TV’s website.

The MEE published a petition signed by hundreds of the University of Manchester staff and postgraduate students.  The petition addressed Professor Dame Nancy Rothwell, the President and Vice-Chancellor of the University of Manchester, and the Senate of the University of Manchester, asking the University of Manchester to end its research partnership with Tel Aviv University. 

Among the petition’s signatories are the Israeli Dr. Eyal Clyne and his Ph.D. supervisor Professor Erica Burman.

The petitioners state that the partnership between the Universities of Manchester and Tel Aviv “contravenes the University’s [Manchester] ethical commitment to oppose racist violence and oppression.” The petition states that Tel Aviv University is a “university deeply implicated in Israel’s premeditated bombing of civilians and civilian infrastructure in Gaza.”  

The petitioners argue that Tel Aviv University is home to the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) because it “takes credit for developing the ‘Dahiya Doctrine.’ This is a military doctrine of disproportionate force, adopted by the Israeli army, which privileges civilian over and above military targets and advocates, as one of its designers at TAU put it, ‘the destruction of homes and infrastructure, and the suffering of hundreds of thousands of people.’ This implicates Tel Aviv University in the deliberate and premeditated bombing of civilians and civilian infrastructure in Gaza.” 

The accusations against Tel Aviv University and the INSS are scurrilous on many levels.   The Dahiya incident occurred during the Second Lebanon War in 2006 when the Israeli Air Force bombed the Dahiya neighborhood where the Hezbollah command had sheltered.  Under the tutelage of its Iranian master, the Revolutionary Guards, Hezbollah adopted a doctrine of embedding among the civilian population.  

The IDF has developed many tactics and platforms to limit the number of non-combatant victims, effectively human shields of Hezbollah and Hamas. Precision bombing, tunnel detection capabilities, FireFly to monitor the presence of civilians in buildings, and the “knock on the roof” to let them know about an impending bombing.  As a result, the number of deaths among Gazan people in the current Guardian of the Walls operation stood at 312, as opposed to more than 2000 during the 2014 Operation Protective Edge.  The IDF estimates that more than 40 percent of the recorded death were Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad operatives.  

The statement “the destruction of homes and infrastructure, and the suffering of hundreds of thousands of people” was written by Giora Eiland, who advised on how to prevent the “Third Lebanon War:” He wrote that a warning message should be given to Hezbollah, a message that “has to be clear and unequivocal” to Lebanon’s allies, the Lebanese government, and people. It “must be stated clearly, starting now. If Israel waits until the day the war starts, it will be too late.”

It is hardly surprising that pro-Palestinian activists at the University of Manchester would use false and twisted information to delegitimize Tel Aviv University and the State of Israel. 

  On Jun 20, 2021, at 1:21 PM, Office of TAU Rector <officerec@tauex.tau.ac.il> wrote:  

שלום לכולכם,

נושא החרם על מוסדות אקדמיים עלה לכותרות בתקופה האחרונה.

מצורף מכתבו של פרופ’ צבי זיגלר יו”ר הפורום הבין- אוניברסיטאי של ור”ה למאבק בחרם האקדמי.

נציגי אוני’ ת”א לנושא זה הם:

פרופ’ מרק קרלינר – הפקולטה למדעים מדויקים, לפניות מאנשי סגל בצד המזרחי

פרופ’ מאיר ליטבק – הפקולטה למדעי הרוח, לפניות מאנשי סגל בצד המערבי

 שלום לחברות /חברי הסגל,נושא החרם האקדמי על אוניברסיטאות וחוקרות/חוקרים בישראל חזר לסדר היום בשבועות האחרונים.
ההתנגדות לחרם אקדמי זכתה בתמיכה רחבה ממוסדות אקדמיים בכירים כגון האקדמיה הלאומית למדעים של ארה”ב, החברה המלכותית הבריטית, וראשי האוניברסיטאות במדינות אלה. כולם התנגדו לחרם אקדמי, שמשמעותו היא אפליה של חוקרים על בסיס השתייכות אתנית, לאומית או דתית .
כתוצאה מהתגייסות כללית זו, יוזמות החרם המוסדי, של אגודות מקצועיות או של אוניברסיטאות ספציפיות, נכשלו.
עם זאת, יש עדויות לתופעה של חרם סמוי מן העין, אשר קשה יותר לאתרו, אבל הוא עלול להיות מסוכן. לאחרונה, עם התחדשות הגלים של פעילויות הקוראות להחרמת ישראל, יש חשש מהתגברות התופעה של חרם אקדמי מסוג זה.
חשוב שכל חבר/ת סגל היודע /ת, מידיעה אישית, על מקרה של אפליה מטעמים פסולים, ידווח/תדווח על כך לאחד מחברי הסגל שהתמנו לרכז את הפעילות בנושא באוניברסיטת תל אביב.
האפליה יכולה להתבטא בדחיית מאמר משיקולים פסולים; אי-הזמנה או ביטול הזמנה להשתתף או להרצות בכינוס; סירוב להשתתף בכינוס הנערך בישראל, או בחסות מוסד ישראלי ,
כשהנימוק הוא היותו של האירוע ישראלי, וכדו’.
ארגונים, המקבלים החלטות הקוראות לחרם אקדמי על מדינה, פועלים בניגוד לעקרון האוניברסליות של המדע. חבר/ת סגל היוד ע/ת על יוזמה לגבש החלטה כזו בארגון אקדמי
מתבקש/ת להודיע על כך, כדי שניתן יהיה לפעול לסיכול היוזמה בטרם תבשיל .
אודה לך על שיתוף פעולה.
בברכה ,
פרופ’ צבי ציגלר
יו”ר הפורום הבין- אוניברסיטאי של ור”ה למאבק בחרם האקדמי

בברכה, 

cid:image003.jpg@01D10C32.7AA5F650טלי שמר ראש לשכת הרקטור
משרד: 03-6408695 | פקס: 03-6407174 | סלולרי: 052-2217212 דוא”ל: talishemer@tauex.tau.ac.il  | אתר:  http://rector.tau.ac.il 

==============================================================
https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/uk-israel-manchester-university-tel-aviv-staff-demand-end-ties
Staff at University of Manchester demand end to Tel Aviv University tiesIn an open letter, 224 members of staff at the British university say the Israeli institution has helped develop Israel’s policy of disproportionate violence against Arab neighbours

By Shafik Mandhai
Published date: 16 June 2021 11:44 UTC |   

More than 200 members of staff and researchers at the University of Manchester are calling on the institution to cut its ties with Tel Aviv University in the wake of Israel’s recent bombing campaign in the besieged Gaza Strip.

An open letter addressed to the university’s vice-chancellor Dame Nancy Rothwell said the Israeli university was “deeply implicated” in the May bombardment, which killed 248 Palestinians, including 66 children.

The authors of the letter, signed by 224 people as of Wednesday, said the University of Manchester’s continued relationship with Tel Aviv University is in violation of its commitment to oppose racist violence and oppression.

“Not only does the University of Manchester fail to speak up for Palestinians and heed their call for material support, but we also forge a strategic partnership with Tel Aviv University, an institution deeply implicated in their violent oppression,” the letter said.

Around 1,900 Palestinians were wounded by Israeli bombings in May and close to 60,000 were displaced in the violence.

The attacks on Gaza came amid police and far-right violence against Palestinian citizens of Israel, as well as a deadly crackdown on protesters in the Israeli-occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem.

Tensions came to a head in early May after Israeli settler attempts to appropriate Palestinian property in the East Jerusalem neighbourhood of Sheikh Jarrah and an Israeli assault against Palestinian worshippers protesting evictions at Al-Aqsa Mosque during the holiest night of the Islamic calendar.

Dahiya doctrine

Tel Aviv University is home to the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS), a think-tank close to the Israeli military establishment, which has helped define the state’s military philosophy when it comes to Palestinians and neighbouring Arab states.

The Dahiya doctrine, named after a Beirut neighbourhood nearly destroyed by Israel during the 2006 Israel-Hezbollah war, encourages the destruction of civilian infrastructure as a supposed deterrence to groups taking up arms against Israel.

In a paper no longer hosted by the INSS website but cited by the Institute for Middle East Understanding, Gabi Siboni, director of the Military and Strategic Affairs programme at INSS says: “[Israel] will have to respond disproportionately in order to make it abundantly clear that the State of Israel will accept no attempt to disrupt the calm currently prevailing along its borders.”

Alongside other Israeli universities, Tel Aviv University is also heavily involved in arms research, in collaboration with Israeli arms manufacturers and the Israeli military.

A 2009 publication issued by the university’s marketing department lauds the institution’s role in developing technology used by the Israeli army.

Isaac Ben-Israel, a former general who heads the Israeli Space Agency and Tel Aviv University’s Security Studies programme, is quoted as saying: “Military [research and development] in Israel would not exist without the universities. They carry out all the basic scientific investigation, which is then developed either by defence industries or the army.”

Manchester ties

The University of Manchester’s website currently lists collaborative research projects with Tel Aviv University involving the schools of Natural Sciences, Medicine and Environment, Education and Development.

Officials at the university have previously been criticised after technology developed by the institution ended up being shared with Israeli arms manufacturers and the Israeli military.

Nanene, a graphene-based material developed by Manchester researchers, which has uses in aircraft production, is being purchased by Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI).

IAI produces missiles and drones used by the Israeli military, as well as the Iron Dome anti-missile system.

One signatory told MEE that while they were proud of the university’s stated commitment to anti-racism and inclusion, officials had to match words with action. By not taking a stand on Israel’s policies against Palestinians, the university’s “opposition to racism becomes merely an empty phrase to use for public relations and marketing”, they said.

Another signatory to the letter said: “In our climate of renewed attention to racial oppression, it is glaring when an institution claims anti-racism in word but not in deed.”

The signatories did not wish to share their names as they wished to speak as a group and not as any one individual.

Middle East Eye reached out to the University of Manchester for its reaction to the open letter and to ask whether it had any plans to end its ties with Israeli institutions. 

A spokesperson said the university would like to reassure its staff and students that “the partnership has nothing whatsoever to do with military matters or any political endorsement.

“We value our connections with universities in Israel as an important part of our international strategy for engagement with higher education institutes. All such interactions are based on UK government guidance and regulation.”=========================================
https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSdca28lVy4BvwTpWuU_ojK4Tqc52fr21K0TBQY75QArXrPRKw/viewform

Solidarity with Palestinians against University of Manchester’s partnership with Tel Aviv University – open letterDear Professor Dame Nancy Rothwell and the Senate of the University of Manchester,

We, the undersigned, call on the University of Manchester to end its research partnership with Tel Aviv University, a university deeply implicated in Israel’s premeditated bombing of civilians and civilian infrastructure in Gaza. This partnership contravenes the University’s ethical commitment to oppose racist violence and oppression, a commitment we request you uphold.

On May 18, Palestinians across Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories called a general strike. They demanded an end to Israel’s indiscriminate bombing of Gaza, which has killed 254 Palestinians, including 66 children, wounded more than 1,900, and displaced at least 58,000. They protested the ethnic cleansing of residents of Sheikh Jarrah from their homes in Occupied East Jerusalem, the military attack on Al-Aqsa mosque, and the Israeli mobs attacking Palestinians in the streets and in their homes as police stand by. Fundamentally, the strike called for an end to 73 years of settler colonialism, not a conflict between two equal sides but a brutal regime of expulsion, military occupation, and apartheid, armed and supported by Western nations.

These are the words with which Palestinians have long named their oppression by the Israeli state. They are now also the words of Israel’s largest human-rights organisation, B’Tselem (1), and the words of the international human-rights organisation Human Rights Watch (2). They are the words of the letter of Palestinian solidarity endorsed by 221 international architecture and planning organizations (3), and another signed by an astonishing 129 gender-studies departments in the United States alone (4). We could go on. Declarations and practical measures of solidarity with Palestinians are growing by the day, part of a global movement against all racial and intersecting forms of oppression.

Palestinians also have good reason to expect support from the University of Manchester. Our University publicly states, “We at the University of Manchester condemn all racist violence and oppression.” We assert “a role in removing systemic inequities and speaking up for those without a voice” (5). However, not only does the University of Manchester fail to speak up for Palestinians and heed their call for material support, but we also forge a strategic partnership with Tel Aviv University, an institution deeply implicated in their violent oppression.

Israeli universities have played a key role in planning, implementing, and justifying Israel’s occupation, and Tel Aviv is no exception. Across a range of disciplines from mechanical engineering to philosophy, Tel Aviv University is heavily and openly involved in research and development in weapons and surveillance technologies, and in military strategy and operational theory (6). It has described itself thus: “In the rough and tumble reality of the Middle East, Tel Aviv University is at the front line of the critical work to maintain Israel’s military and technological edge,” noting “much of that research remains classified” (7). To give only one example, Tel Aviv University is home to the Institute for National Security Studies which takes credit for developing the “Dahiya Doctrine.” This is a military doctrine of disproportionate force, adopted by the Israeli army, which privileges civilian over and above military targets and advocates, as one of its designers at TAU put it, “the destruction of homes and infrastructure, and the suffering of hundreds of thousands of people” (8).

This implicates Tel Aviv University in the deliberate and premeditated bombing of civilians and civilian infrastructure in Gaza – war crimes, in other words, as the UN has described previous military assaults on the people of Gaza. “If there is a hell on earth, it is the lives of children in Gaza,” the UN Secretary-General said against the Israeli onslaught (9). Israel should be held to account “for the atrocities it has committed over the last 12 days,” is the view of the head of Oxfam in Israel and the Palestinian Territories (10).

But the atrocities don’t end with the fragile ceasefire. After 14 years of devastating blockade by one of the most powerful militaries in the world, the two million people of Gaza effectively live in an open-air prison, where 80% rely on international aid to survive, 90% of the water is undrinkable, and electricity supply is intermittent, with crippling effects on economic activity and health and sanitation services. Amidst a global pandemic, 50% of essential medicines were at zero stock even before Israel’s latest onslaught. The military assault and blockade of Gaza also has appalling psychological consequences, inflicting untold trauma on a population where over 50% are under 18 (11). Meanwhile, in a deliberate act of aggression, Israeli police have launched a wave of arrests targeting Israeli Palestinians who rallied in support of Sheikh Jarrah, Al-Aqsa, and Gaza, thus far totalling 1,550 since May 9 (12).

For these reasons, we cannot, in all conscience, allow the research partnership with Tel Aviv University to continue. It brings our University into disrepute to publicly claim anti-racism while forging a partnership with an institution deeply implicated in racial violence and suffering. It’s also dangerous, for it discredits and hence weakens the claim to anti-racism, turning opposition to racism into empty phrases to use for public relations and marketing, when we should on the contrary be speaking out and taking principled and practical measures against racial oppression. Above all, this partnership makes our University complicit in the brutalisation, blockade, maiming, and killing of Palestinians who have suffered at the hands of the Israeli state for 73 years.

We request that you uphold the University’s own anti-racist ethical principles by ending the strategic partnership with Tel Aviv University.

**Scroll down to the bottom to sign – the letter is still open for signatures. Strictly for University of Manchester staff (academic/teaching, PS, Emeritus) and postgraduate research students. The list of signatories will be updated daily**

Signed by:

1. Dr Nick Thoburn, Reader in Sociology
2. Dr Simin Fadaee, Senior Lecturer in Sociology
3. Dr Meghan Tinsley, Presidential Fellow in Sociology
4. Dr Elisa Pieri, Lecturer in Sociology
5. Professor Peter Wade, Professor of Social Anthropology
6. Dr Chika Watanabe, Senior Lecturer in Social Anthropology
7. Dr. Seth Schindler, Senior Lecturer, Global Development Institute
8. Dr Pritish Behuria, Lecturer, Global Development Institute
9. Dr Kevin Gillan, Senior Lecturer and Deputy Head of Sociology
10. Dr Ümit Kemal Yildiz, Senior Tutor in Education
11. Dr Peter McMylor, Senior Lecturer in Sociology
12. Dr Petra Nordqvist, Senior Lecturer and Co-Director of the Morgan Centre for Research into Everyday Lives
13. Professor Mandy Turner, Professor of Conflict, Peace and Humanitarian Affairs, Humanitarian and Conflict Response Institute
14. Professor Bridget Byrne, Department of Sociology
15. Dr Luke Yates, Lecturer in Sociology and SCI
16. Caitlin Schmid, PhD candidate
17. Caroline Martin, IT Services
18. Stian Soiland-Reyes, Department of Computer Science
19. Dr David Alderson, Senior Lecturer in Modern Literature
20. Dr Jonathan Shapiro, Reader, Computer Science
21. Prof Khalid Nadvi, Professor of International Development, Global Development Institute
22. Judy Thorne, PhD candidate, Social Anthropology
23. Dr Remi Joseph-Salisbury, Presidential Fellow, Ethnicity and Inequalities
24. Vlad Schüler-Costa, PhD candidate, Social Anthropology
25. Claudia Eggart, PGR, Social Anthropology
26. Marie Kerguelen , PhD student
27. Aleksandra Szymczyk, PhD researcher, Department of Social Anthropology
28. Mariela Sánchez-Belmont Montiel , PhD student, Social Anthropology
29. Morgan Rhys Powell, PhD candidate, School of Social Sciences
30. Dr Amy Zhang, Lecturer in Urban Planning
31. Dr Michelle Obeid , Lecturer in Social Anthropology
32. ElSayed ElSehamy, PGR, Social Anthropology
33. Pedro Silva Rocha Lima, PhD candidate
34. Prof Julian Williams, Manchester Institute of Education, SEED
35. Sara Pozzi, PhD candidate, Social Anthropology
36. Santiago Irribarra, PGR, Social Anthropology
37. Dr Sophina Choudry, Presidential Fellow, Manchester Institute of Education, SEED
38. Dr Tom Gillespie, Hallsworth Research Fellow, Global Development Institute
39. Tim Jacoby, GDI
40. Professor Erica Burman, Manchester Institute of Education
41. Phil Reed, Library
42. Professor Ian Parker, Honorary Professorial Research Fellow, SEED
43. Dr. Luke Bhatia, Lecturer in International Politics
44. Dr Gail Davidge, Research Associate: School of Health Sciences
45. Dr Eyal Clyne, PhD in Israel Studies
46. Franco Galdini, Politics
47. Dr Tanja Bastia, Reader, Global Development Institute
48. Prof Graeme Kirkpatrick, Department of Sociology
49. Dr Deborah Ralls, Leverhulme EC Research Fellow Manchester Institute of Education
50. Artemis Christinaki, PhD student and Teaching Assistant in SEED and HCRI
51. Alexandra Ciocanel, PhD student, Social Anthropology
52. Tom Boyd, PhD student, Social Anthropology
53. Dr Blaise Nkwenti-Azeh, Humanities eLearning Team
54. Dr Andrew Howes, Senior Lecturer, Manchester Institute of Education
55. Rohi Jehan, PhD researcher
56. Dr Piyush Pushkar, PhD candidate, Department of Social Anthropology, and liaison psychiatry doctor, Greater Manchester Mental Health NHS Trust
57. Dr Laura Swift, Research Administrator, School of Social Sciences
58. Dr Anna Strowe, Lecturer in Translation and Interpreting Studies
59. Dr Sadia Habib, Research Associate, Centre of Dynamic Ethnicity
60. Dr Nadim Mirshak, Lecturer in Sociology
61. Manuela Latchoumaya, PhD candidate, Department of Sociology
62. Dr Kerry Pimblott, Lecturer in International History
63. Dr Neema Begum, Research Associate in Politics
64. Dr Charlotte Branchu, Lecturer, Department of Sociology
65. Manish Sen, PhD candidate, Department of Sociology
66. Madiha Khan, PhD candidate, Department of Sociology
67. Dr Chris Lyon, Senior Tutor, GDI
68. Dr David Swanson, Lecturer, Manchester Institute of Education
69. Dr Nick Jepson, Research Fellow, Global Development Institute
70. Dr Caroline Parker, Presidential Fellow of Medical Anthropology at the Department of Social Anthropology
71. Tiba Bonyad, PhD Candidate
72. Dr Graham Smith, Senior Lecturer, Law
73. Tania Payá Ramírez, PhD candidate, SEED
74. Prof Sam Hickey , Global Development Institute
75. Chris Millson, Library
76. Professor Chris Roberts, Emeritus Professor of Biostatistic, School of Health Sciences
77. Malte Skov, PhD student, Global Development Unit
78. Therese Kelly, PhD candidate, Social Anthropology
79. Sidra Iftikhar, Research Assistant, School of Environment, Education and Development
80. Dr Susan Hogan, PM FSE
81. Jared Davis, PhD candidate, Department of Social Anthropology
82. Dr Jillian McCarthy, Senior Lecturer AMBS
83. Dr Omar Bouamra, Medical Statistician, Faculty of Biology, Medicine and Health
84. Dr Lina Khraise, Global Development Institute
85. Dr Jasmin Ramovic, Lecturer in Peace and Conflict Studies
86. Jose Gustavo Gongora Goloubintseff , PhD candidate, Department of Modern Languages and Cultures
87. Dr Ali Bhagat, Department of Politics
88. Theresa O Bradaigh Bean, Research Associate, Politics/IR
89. Dr Ahmed Bhayat, Research Assistant, Computer Science
90. Dr Molly Geidel, Lecturer, EAC
91. Dr Carl Death, Senior Lecturer, Politics
92. Linzi Stirrup, Project Manager, Physics
93. Prof Kevin Malone, Social and Autoethnographic Composition, Music
94. Dr Roaa Ali, Research Associate, Sociology
95. Dr Jessica Hawkins, Lecturer, Humanitarian and Conflict Response Institute
96. Siham Al Hadhrami, PhD student, School of Earth and Environmental Sciences
97. Professor Liam Hart, Department of English, American Studies and Creative Writing
98. Dr Scott Midso, Lecturer in Liberal Arts (SALC)
99. Dr Dharmi Kapadia, Lecturer in Sociology
100. Dr Eithne Quinn, Senior Lecturer in English, American Studies and Creative Writing
101. Dr Samuel Couth, Lecturer, Division of Human Communication, Development and Hearing
102. Dr David Calder, Lecturer, Drama
103. Dr. Lauren Banko, Research Associate, History
104. Dr Peter Cave, Senior Lecturer in Japanese Studies
105. Katie Fannin, PhD Researcher, SEED
106. Dr Raphael THURET, FBMH, Research Associate
107. Geoff Blunt, Technical Operations Manager, Faculty of Biology, Medicine and Health
108. Dr Christine Rowland, Research Fellow, School of Health Sciences
109. Dr Emilia Terracciano, Lecturer, History of Art
110. Linda Irish, Assistant eLearning Manager
111. Dr John Piprani, Archaeology Technician
112. Dr Jasmin Ramovic, Lecturer in Peace and Conflict Studies
113. Dr George Taylor, Experimental Officer, FBMH
114. Dr Alison Jeffers, Senior Lecturer, Drama
115. Dr Jennet Gummadova, Senior Experimental Officer, FSE
116. Professor Erik Swyngedouw, Geography, School of Education, Environment and Development
117. Roxanne Taylor, PhD candidate, Linguistics and English Language
118. Matthew Burns, Division of Health Sciences, LCTM / Business Support Manager
119. Professor Kieran Walshe, Manchester Business School
120. Zulaikha Alharthi, PhD researcher in chemistry
121. Dr Dave Harris, Mathematics, reader (retired)
122. Joe Lake Rees, SEED
123. Kirsty Watkinson, PhD candidate, SEED
124. James Dougherty, PhD student, Condensed Matter Physics
125. Dr Hamied Haroon, Division of Neuroscience & Experimental Psychology, SBS, FBMH
126. Dr Laura Caradonna, Collection care in the University of Manchester libraries
127. Barbara Waters, Lecturer, Department of Materials
128. Prof. Helen Beebee, Samuel Hall Professor of Philosophy, SoSS
129. Dr Dayo Eseonu
130. Dr James Pattison, Postdoctoral Fellow, Department of Sociology
131. Dr Leanne Green, Curator (Modern and Contemporary Art), The Whitworth
132. David Hobbs, PhD candidate
133. Stephanie Barrientos Emeritus Professor, Global Development Institute
134. Christopher Page, Technical Operations Manager, FSE
135. Dr Emma Shuttleworth, Lecturer, SEED
136. Alex Wharton, PhD Candidate, School of the Environment, Education and Development
137. Dr Emma Patchwood, Research Fellow. FBMH, SBS, DNEP
138. George Odysseos, History, SALC, GTA
139. Eoin Maguire, PhD candidate, Department of Mathematics
140. Miss Camilla Woodrow-Hill, PhD Student
141. Darius Samadian, PhD candidate, Religion and Theology
142. Dr Annie Dickinson, Library
143. Dr Prasenjit Banerjee, Economics
144. Ms Ruth Daniel, In Place of War
145. Dr Simeon Gill, Senior Lecturer in Fashion Technology
146. Dr Matthew Tyce, Postdoctoral researcher, Global Development Institute
147. Dr Veronique Pin-Fat, Senior Lecturer in International Politics, Dept of Politics
148. C. Iain Sturges, PhD Student, CHSTM
149. Dr Jonathan Crosier, Senior Research Fellow, DEES
150. Dr. Lauren Banko, Research Associate, History
151. Professor Claire Alexander, Department of Sociology
152. Adam Peirce, Industrial Liaison Officer, Henry Royce Institute
153. Alan Nesbitt, Quality Manager in Department of Materials
154. Dr. Monisha Renganathan, Mathematics
155. Morgan Hale, PhD researcher
156. Gabriel Cambraia Neiva, PhD Candidate, Latin American Cultural Studies
157. Dr Scarlet Harris, Research Associate, Centre on the Dynamics of Ethnicity
158. Zulaikha Alharthi, PhD researcher in chemistry
159. Shahd Hammouri, Phd Candidate, School of Law
160. Amy Cortvriend, PhD candidate, SoSS
161. Luan Cassal, PhD candidate and GTA, Manchester Institute of Education
162. Pat Devine, Honorary Research Fellow, School Social Sciences
163. Ameur Bayar, Research Support Officer, FBMH
164. Professor John Gledhill, Emeritus Professor, Social Anthropology
165. Anne-Marie McCallion, PhD candidate, Philosophy
166. Dr Jenna C. Ashton, Lecturer in Heritage Studies, AHCP
167. Ana Martínez Fernández, PhD candidate, Department of Politics
168. Dr Jenna Mittelmeier, Lecturer in International Education, Manchester Institute of Education
169. Rahima Siddique, PhD Candidate, Politics
170. Dr Emma Martin, Lecturer, Institute for Cultural Practices
171. Professor Diana Mitlin, Global Development Institute
172. Dylan Bradbury, PGR, Latin American Cultural Studies
173. Lynsey Alexander, Professional services
174. Mr. Ahmad Alam, PhD Student and Graduate Teaching Assistant
175. Dr Arjan Keizer, Senior Lecturer, Alliance Manchester Business School
176. Manasij Pal Chowdhury, PhD researcher, Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences
177. Dr Jérémie Voirol, Research fellow, Department of Social Anthropology
178. Dr Trevor Marshall, Mathematics, retired
179. Dr Gary Motteram, Senior Lecturer, Manchester Institute of Education
180. Dr. Richard Banach, Senior Lecturer, Computer Science
181. Lucy Lernelius, Monitoring and Evaluation Officer, Widening Participation
182. Alex Webb, Division of Communications, Marketing and Student Recruitment
183. Gloria Elvira Muñoz Romero, PhD student, Faculty of Humanities
184. Rosie Staff, SRWP Intern, Division of Communications, Marketing and Student Recruitment
185. Peninah Wangari-Jones, PhD researcher, Politics
186. Asha Shariff, SRWP Graduate Intern
187. Dr Eloise Moss, Senior Lecturer in Modern British History
188. Dr Sundhya Walther, Presidential Fellow, EAC
189. Serena Robinson, Faculty of Humanities, Teaching, Learning and Student Experience Assistant
190. Dr Monika Kukolova, Honorary Fellow in Drama and Film Studies
191. Professor Vanessa May, Sociology
192. Ivan Paul, PhD candidate, Department of Chemistry
193. Jake Gandy, PhD candidate, History
194. Sophie Hoyle, Student Recruitment and Widening Participation Co-ordinator
195. Dylan Wilby, eLearning Support Administrator
196. Prof Steven Jones, Manchester Institute of Education
197. Dr. Lauren Banko, Research Associate, History
198. Dr. Soumhya Venkatesan, Social Anthropology, Academic staff
199. Anne Stokes, PhD Student and Teaching Assistant in SALC
200. Dr Peter Taylor, Senior Clinical Lecture, School of Health Sciences
201. Dr Wendy Bottero, Sociology
202. Dr. Tine Buffel, Senior lecturer in Sociology
203. Charlie Allen, Project Accountant, Finance
204. Dr Rohini Rai, Research Associate in Sociology
205. Martin Greenwood, PhD Candidate, Sociology
206. Dr Christopher Foster, Presidential Fellow, Global Development Institute
207. Professor Aneez Esmail, School of Health Sciences
208. Sofia Doyle, PhD Student in Politics
209. Dr. Fatema Abdoolcarim, Department of English, American Studies and Creative Writing
210. Dr Antoine Burgard, HCRI, lecturer in history of humanitarianism
211. Joseph Chambers, PhD Student, Geography
213. Humairaa Dudhwala, Manchester University Press
214. Sawyer Phinney, PhD Student, Department of Geography
215. Dr Aoileann Ní Mhurchú, lecturer in international politics
216. Dr Vladimir Jankovic, SMS, Faculty of Biology, Medicine and Health 217. Gabriel Hawkins-Pottier, PhD Researcher, Physics and Astronomy
218. Professor Miguel Martinez Lucio, Alliance Manchester Business School
219. Roosa Rytkönen, PhD student, Social Anthropology
220. Dr Michaela Barnard, Lecturer, SHS, Faculty of Biology, Medicine & Health
221. Dr. Cristina Temenos, Lecturer, Geography
222. Ros Bell, eLearning Support Officer, UoM Library
223. Shafi Ahmed, Senior Research Technician Versus Arthritis
224. Dr Matthew Walsham, Research Associate, Global Development Institute
225. Ajinkya Deshmukh, PhD candidate, Department of Philosophy
226. Dr Hannah Wadle, Teaching Associate, School of Architecture
227. Amin Hussain, Systems Support Analyst, UoM Library
228. Joshua Winter, PhD Candidate, Department of Physics and Astronomy
229. Saba Mirshafiei, Widening Participation Officer, Law School
230. Dr Leah Gilman, Honorary Research Associate in Sociology
231. Jack Kelly, Research Associate, Division of Population Health

References for the letter:

1. B’Tselem, “We are Israel’s largest human rights group – and we are calling this apartheid,” January 2021, The Guardian, https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2021/jan/12/israel-largest-human-rights-group-apartheid

2. Human Rights Watch, “A Threshold Crossed: Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution”, April 2021, https://www.hrw.org/report/2021/04/27/threshold-crossed/israeli-authorities-and-crimes-apartheid-and-persecution

3. 221 Architecture and urban planning organisations sign solidarity letter: https://docs.google.com/forms/d/1xIoEAZ3Hln1dUspnhZ9Eii5OIRlfk_ZRaLVZICbeF7Q/viewform?ts=60a4abb3&fbclid=IwAR0AtRFJt9Hd0QVG7jxqAm8h2lJD-KoYuQVnnOjSokdDe-P-ihedvg_bFcg&edit_requested=true

4. 129 gender studies departments in the US sign Palestinian solidarity letter: http://genderstudiespalestinesolidarity.weebly.com

5. “Black Lives Matter – Letter from Professor Nalin Thakkar, Vice President for Social Responsibility,” 8 June 2020: https://www.manchester.ac.uk/discover/news/black-lives-matter–letter-from-professor-nalin-thakkar-vice-president-for-social-responsibility/

6. “Tel Aviv University – A Leading Israeli Military Research Centre,” briefing paper by SOAS Palestine Society, February 2009, https://pacbi.org/pics/file/SOAS-Palestine-Society-Paper-TAU-Military-Complicity-Feb-2009.pdf

7. “Tel Aviv University Review,” 2008/9, https://english.tau.ac.il/sites/default/files/media_server/TAU%20Review%202008-09.pdf

8. Giora Eiland, ex-Chair of the National Security Council, writing as a senior research fellow at INSS at TAU, “The Third Lebanon War: Target Lebanon,” INSS Strategic Assessment, 11(2), Nov. 2008: 9‐17, p. 16, https://www.inss.org.il/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/FILE1226472866-1.pdf See note 6 for further information about the Dahiya Doctrine.

9 and 10. “We don’t recognise our own city: Israeli barrage redraws the map of Gaza,” the Guardian, 22 May 2021, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/may/22/we-dont-recognise-our-own-city-israeli-barrage-redraws-the-map-of-gaza

11. “Fifty years of occupation have driven the Palestinian economy into de-development and poverty,” https://unctad.org/news/fifty-years-occupation-have-driven-palestinian-economy-de-development-and-poverty ; OCHA, “Humanitarian Needs Overview – Occupied Palestinian Territories,” 2020, https://www.ochaopt.org/sites/default/files/hno_2020-final.pdf

12. “‘A War Declaration’: Palestinians in Israel decry mass arrests”, Al Jazeera, 24 May 2021, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/5/24/a-war-declaration-palestinians-in-israel-decry-mass-arrests

Hostile NGO Akevot Attracting Israeli Academia

17.06.21

Editorial Note

Earlier this month, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) shared a Haaretz article written by historian Dr. Adam Raz.  Raz, who specializes in Marxist theory, among others, penned an article “Israel Claimed Its 1967 Land Conquests Weren’t Planned. Declassified Documents Reveal Otherwise.”  Raz based his article on a memorandum that he found in the State’s archives. However, Raz misrepresented his findings.  The memo was essentially an exercise of speculative scenarios by the Israeli army intelligence generating hypotheses.  It stated that if an opportunity arises for Israel to occupy lands, either for the short term or long term, it should be prepared for it, raising the possibilities as the means to push the battlefield away from Israel. In such a case, an occupation of the following could happen: a) the West Bank; b) the stretch of Sinai till the Suez Canal; c) The Syrian Heights including the town of Damascus; and d) South of Lebanon to the Litany River.

This, according to Raz, is proof that Israel has had a ready-made plan to occupy these places. However, since Israel has never occupied the Syrian Heights and Damascus, then this is questionable. Clearly, such a grand plan would not have stayed on one file had it meant to be implemented. 

Behind this “revelation” is the Israeli NGO Akevot. The purpose of Akevot, as stated on the NGOs Registrar website, is the “Collection and accessibility of information concerning the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Conducting and disseminating research on issues related to the belligerent conception and/or manner of control of Israel in the territories occupied by it, and to international humanitarian law, conducting public, educational activities and promoting transitional justice in order to promote an active and conscious civil society in Israel.”

Akevot was created in 2013 and was housed at Adv. Michael Sfard’s office in Tel Aviv. Sfard is a “lawyer and political activist,” specializing in international human rights law and the laws of war, who advances the idea that Israel is an apartheid state. Initially, when Akevot was created, it was called “The Occupation Archives,” it was changed later to Akevot. Akevot receives large sums of money from foreign governments such as Switzerland, according to the Akevot annual financial reports, and it signs agreements with donors. Unfortunately, the agreements are not available.

Akevot is interested in Israeli academia. In 2017, Dr. Noam Hofstadter, an Akevot researcher, formerly a lecturer at the BGU Department of Politics and Government, which the Council for Higher Education once censured for its excessive political activism and lack of core studies, posted on the Academia-IL Network an invitation to discuss “The Desired, the Available and what is Confidential” on the access to documentation in state archives in Israel. Stating that “most users in the state archives are unfamiliar with the law, regulations and case law concerning the possibilities of access to the archival material and are not used to assert their rights in the appropriate cases.” In the meeting, “We will look at the Archives Act and the review regulations and discuss ways to deal with decisions that prevent access to necessary archival materials. Among other things, we will find out: – What does the law say about the right to access materials held in state archives? – How to deal with laconic answers that state that requested archival material is ‘confidential’? – How to appeal against decisions to prevent access to archival material?”  Rosa Luxemburg Foundation hosted the meeting.

Akevot organized another meeting for Israeli academics. Again, Hofstadter sent an invitation to the Academia IL Network, which stated: “As part of a series of meetings held by the Akevot Institute on the issue of public access to materials held in government archives,” this was an event with the State Archivist, Dr. Yaakov Lazovik, to “discuss the problems that we discussed in our previous meetings and others: Decisions for blocking and exposing material, the small amount of available material, the lack of catalogs, stopping the review of paper files and any other problem you would like to discuss with the state archivist.”

Akevot is interested in exposing Israel’s nuclear ambition, although Israel prefers to keep quiet about it. Raz is a member of the Wilson Center Nuclear Proliferation International History Project (NPIHP), a project which gathers information about countries such as Israel’s nuclear proliferation project.

Akevot material serve those who work for the Palestinians. For example, Dr. Valentina Azarova refers to Akevot in her article “Israel’s unlawfully prolonged occupation: consequences under an integrated legal framework.” According to her, “A host of archival material from the first few years of the occupation recently discovered by Akevot – the Institute for Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Research − demonstrates the politically premeditated character of Israeli government positions and its long-standing attempts to circumvent its obligations under IHL in disregard of the Palestinian people’s rights in international law.”

Azarova is an international law researcher and practitioner with a focus on the Israel/Palestine context. she is an Al-Shabaka Policy member, which draws upon the “vast knowledge and experience of the Palestinian people.” Azarova was a candidate to head the International Human Rights Program at the Law School of the University of Toronto, but donors blocked her appointment. They probably feared that Azarova would turn the program into a bastion of anti-Israel activism, as is the case with many departments and associations where Palestinians and pro-Palestinians are involved. 

Akevot even helped the latest Human Rights Watch (HRW) report, which charged Israel with “Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution.”  HRW reported that in a 1981 meeting of the Ministerial Committee for Settlement Affairs, together with the World Zionist Organization, Minister Ariel Sharon “justified designating additional land in the West Bank as firing zones by citing the ‘spreading of Arab villagers’ in the South Hebron Hills.” The information was based on minutes of the meeting found in the Israeli State Archives by the “Akevot Institute for Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Research.” The references provided in the HRW report were the 1981 Government Secretariat, “Meeting minutes of the Joint Settlement Committee for the Government and the World Zionist Organization,” in Hebrew, and by Haaretz’s Ofer Aderet, titled “40-Year-Old Document Reveals Ariel Sharon’s Plan to Evict 1,000 Palestinians from Their Homes,” which is also based on the same document found by Akevot. However, anyone reading the minutes of the meeting gets an entirely different picture. Nowhere does it state that 1000 or any Palestinians will be evicted from their homes.  Instead, the “spreading of Arab villagers” refers to nomads who violently settle on lands they do not own, which is considered illegal.   

Another Akevot report has dealt with “Looting of Arab Property in the War of Independence,” a broad study that “reveals the extent of the looting of Palestinian property by the Israelis in the 1948 Nakba.” However, while they blame the Jews, they neglect to explore the looting or damages to Jewish property by the Palestinian Arabs, who get a free pass, from the 1936-9 riots to this day.

Akevot only provides information that presents Israel in a negative light.  

Interestingly, in 2018 Akevot received donations from the Swiss Foreign Ministry, NIS 320,231, with an undisclosed agreement signed between the parties. 

Switzerland, to recall, has made a secret deal with the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in the 1970s, designed to prevent terrorist attacks on Swiss soil. In 2016 it was revealed in a book by Swiss journalist Marcel Gyr. Switzerland offered support to the PLO. The deal was made following several Palestinian attacks in 1969 and 1970: In February 1969 Palestinian shooters opened fire on an El Al plane at the Zurich airport and killed the pilot.  In 1970, a bomb exploded in a Swissair flight to Tel Aviv, killing everyone on board. In September 1970, a Swissair flight to New York was hijacked, and British and American planes, with some 300 passengers held hostages in Jordan. While Switzerland tried to get its hostages released, Swiss Foreign Minister Pierre Graber secretly contacted the PLO without informing government members.  The suspects have never faced trial despite the arrest warrants against them. Robert Akeret, the Swiss investigator, handed his report to the federal attorney-general but said that the government in Bern “threw a cloak of silence’ over the case.” The investigations were discontinued permanently in 2000. Many of the documents are still classified under Swiss law. It would be interesting to see whether Akevot would be working to open the Swiss archives.

Akevot, as an institute working for the “Collection and accessibility of information concerning the Israeli-Palestinian conflict,” is not working to open the Palestinian archives as well.

Akevot is one of the more hostile among the NGOs which operate against Israel. It collects money as “protectors of Human Rights,” as stated on the last page of its 2019 financial report. It is questionable if opening archives protect human rights; if yes, Akevot could have exposed human rights abuse by the Palestinian authorities, but this, however, is not on the Akevot agenda.

Akevot employs Israeli scholars to give it a cover of legitimacy.  However, as IAM has repeatedly demonstrated, many activist academics use their paid position to churn out anti-Israel propaganda disguised as academic research. 

http://www.dci.plo.ps/en/article/18471/June-3,-2021—Haaretz-Israel-Claimed-Its-1967-Land-Conquests-Weren

June 3, 2021 – Haaretz: Israel Claimed Its 1967 Land Conquests Weren’t Planned.
Declassified Documents Reveal Otherwise (By Adam Raz)

Note that the views expressed in these articles are these of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the PLO Department
of Public Diplomacy and Policy.
To access this article, please go to the following website
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https://forward.com/news/470923/israel-land-conquest-1967-occupation-six-day-war-plans/

https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium.HIGHLIGHT-israel-said-67-land-conquests-weren-t-planned-declassified-documents-say-otherwise-1.9873297

Israel Claimed Its 1967 Land Conquests Weren’t Planned. Declassified Documents Reveal Otherwise

 

Contrary to the claim that Israel [sic] suddenly found itself holding territories after the June ’67 war,

declassified documents reveal detailed directives drawn up by the IDF ahead of the prolonged policing mission it would be tasked with

Adam Raz

Jun. 3, 2021 11:12 PM

For years, most Israeli historiography maintained that the country’s decision makers were taken by surprise by the fruits of the victory that were harvested with lightning speed in June 1967. “The war,” Defense Minister Moshe Dayan said, three days after its conclusion, “developed and rolled into fronts that were not intended and were not preplanned by anyone, including by me.” On the basis of these and other statements, the view took root that the conquest of the territories in the war was the result of a rapid slide down a slippery slope, a new reality that no one wanted.

However, historical documentation stored in the Israel State Archives and the Israel Defense Forces and Defense Establishment Archives in recent years demands that we cast doubt on the credence of that view. The information cited here constitutes just a small part of a wide range of documentation being held in governmental archives relating to the conquest of the territories, and which remain classified. Long-term stubborn persistence was necessary to effect the declassification of some of the documents on which this article is based.

The documents describe detailed preparations that were made in the military in the years before 1967, with the intention of organizing in advance the control of territories that the defense establishment assessed – with high certainty – would be conquered in the next war. A perusal of the information indicates that the takeover and retention of these areas – the West Bank from Jordan, the Sinai Peninsula and Gaza Strip from Egypt, and the Golan Heights from Syria – were not a by-product of the fighting, but the manifestation of a strategic approach and prior preparations.

The IDF’s meticulous preparations to conquer the territories had already begun early in the 1960s. They were, in part, the product of the short and bitter Israeli experience in the conquest – and subsequent evacuation – of the Sinai Peninsula and the Gaza Strip in the Sinai War of 1956. It’s against this background that we should understand the document titled “Proposal to Organize the Military Government,” written by the head of operations, Col. Elad Peled, in June 1961, and presented to Chief of Staff Tzvi Tzur. Six years before the Six-Day War, the proposal consisted of detailed, initial planning for the forces that would be needed to rule in what would become the occupied territories.

Two years later, in August 1963, the IDF’s General Staff Branch (afterward the Operations Branch), which was then headed by Yitzhak Rabin, drew up a widely circulated directive regarding the organization of the military government in the territories. This order sheds light, in its words, on Israel’s “expected directions of expansion,” which in the assessment of the security personnel would be the focus of the next war. These territories included the West Bank, Sinai, the Syrian heights and Damascus, and southern Lebanon up to the Litani River.

The August 1963 order was prepared following an evaluation two months earlier by the military government unit that controlled the lives of Arabs within Israel. In internal correspondence, it suggested that the future organization of rule in the territories had been executed “hastily” to date and “does not completely meet all the needs.”אגמ ממשל צבאי כיבוש שטחים.jpg

The 1963 order. “A convenient political situation might develop which will make it possible to retain occupied territory indefinitely.”

Called the “Organization Order – Military Government in State of Emergency,” it stated that, “The IDF’s thrust to transfer the war to the enemy’s territories will necessarily bring about expansion [into] and conquest of areas beyond the state’s borders.” Based on the Israeli experience in the period following the Sinai campaign, the document stated that it would be necessary to install a military government quickly, because “these conquests might last for a short time only and we will have to evacuate the territories following international pressure or an arrangement.” The part that followed, however, was meant for those who would be tasked with administering the military government in the future occupied area, and it hints at the intention of the order’s authors: “However, a convenient political situation might develop which will make it possible to retain occupied territory indefinitely.”

Indeed, the exploitation of that “convenient situation” necessitated the meticulous organization of the modes of military rule in the occupied territories. Accordingly, the IDF devoted attention to training and preparing the units and administrative bodies that would rule the Palestinian population. They bore broad responsibility: from legal issues attendant on the occupation of territories, to intelligence gathering about the population and the infrastructures in the West Bank.

Whereas no one within the defense establishment disputed the IDF’s superior power and its ability to conquer swiftly the territories from Egypt, Jordan and Syria – before 1967, officers in the military government that existed inside Israel were apprehensive about the preparation of the units that would rule in the territories. Along with the military doctrine that called for the fighting to be moved into enemy territory, a doctrine existed concerning rule of civilians, based on the recognition that following such a takeover, Israel would control an occupied civilian population, whose administration would necessitate the establishment of a military government bureaucracy.

Col. Yehoshua Verbin, in his capacity as commander of the military government inside Israel until 1966, with extensive experience in operating the mechanisms of supervision and control over Israel’s Palestinians, played a central role in preparations for executing the order to establish a military government in the conquered territories. In a moment of frankness, in December 1958, he admitted to a ministerial committee that had convened to discuss the future of the military government within Israel, “I haven’t even decided for myself whether we are doing them more harm or good.” However, as a senior commanding officer, in June 1965, he warned his superior, Haim Bar-Lev, that the command structures of the administration for ruling occupied territories were insufficiently qualified to carry out their future mission. “Very little progress has been made on this subject.” He added, “It appears that the commands of the administration in occupied territories will not be suited to fulfill their tasks.” This was two years before the war.

Involving officers of the military government that had been imposed on Israel’s Palestinian citizens since 1948 in the planning was logical, because the organizational and military framework that operated vis a vis that community constituted the basis for rule in the territories that would be conquered in a war. In 1963, the units of the military government already had 15 years of experience in imposing “order” and supervision over those Palestinian citizens, by means of a strict regime of permits. From a military perspective, it made sense for this body to serve as the model for the structure of rule in the territories that would be conquered in the next war.

However, after the 1967 war, Defense Minister Dayan rejected the proposal of Shin Bet security service chief Yosef Harmelin to replicate the forms of control of the military government in Israel in the territories (a stance that for years was cited to demonstrate Dayan’s supposed enlightened view). However, even though Dayan generally refrained from appointing former military governors from within Israel as governors across the Green Line, the normalization of the “enlightened occupation” bore a character similar to that of the military government that had existed within Israel. Accordingly, the vaguer the temporariness of the occupation became, the cruder and more violent it became.

To illustrate the direct line that connected the military government that existed within Israel (until December 1966) to that operating in the territories after the June 1967 war, it’s sufficient to look at the metamorphosis its official branches underwent. In the months following the war, the unit that had operated the military government in Israel was rebranded as the “department of military administration and territorial security.” Today it’s known by a different, catchier name: “Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories.”

Adam Raz is a researcher at the Akevot Institute for Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Research.

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January 28th, 2019
Historian Adam Raz joins Akevot’s staff

We’re happy to announce the recent addition to our staff of historian Adam Raz. Adam has authored the books Kafr Qassim Massacre: a Political Biography (2018), Herzl (2017, with Yigal Wagner) and The Struggle for the Bomb (2015).

We have worked closely with Adam over the past couple of years, assisting his research on the circumstances leading up to the 1956 Kafr Qassim massacre, and we are delighted to formalize our relationship. Adam is already taking part in Akevot’s research activity and the struggle to remove unlawful barriers to public access to Israel’s government archives.  

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https://www.guidestar.org.il/organization/580578680

https://www.guidestar.org.il/VF_View_File?guid=88aac408b132158-67ee44f5007d6ca1-4e6f2465b100e7cc735207c1e1d4ef9777746d498441195adaa2aa6fd92ebe96-6947b434a48b123d-d5a02598492e37690

עקבות. ארכיוני הכיבוש. הקמת העמותה.jpg

עקבות. ארכיוני הכיבוש. כספים מישויות זרות 2018.jpg
עקבות. ארכיוני הכיבוש. כספים מישויות זרות 2019.jpg
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https://www.israelhayom.co.il/article/679217

“פתאום אני צריך להוכיח שאני ציוני”

“אחרי זמן רב אנחנו מבינים שאנחנו לא מפלגת שלטון, שזה לא זמני” • אדם רז, מהקולות המבטיחים בשמאל הישראלי, חוגג כתב עת פוליטי חדש וחולם “לחזור להיות הגמוני” • בראיון עימו, הוא טוען שההגמוניה התרבותית של השמאל היא לא כצעקתה

איתן אורקיבי פורסם ב: 01.08.2019 16:4711

“אנחנו אנדרדוג. לא רק המפלגות שלנו אנדרדוג, גם האידיאות שלנו הן אנדרדוג”, אומר לי אדם רז בשיחה לרגל פרסום הגיליון הראשון של “תלם – כתב עת לשמאל ישראלי”, שהוא עורך במשותף עם טל ויינטראוב. את השער מקשט איור בניחוח הריאליזם הסוציאליסטי הארץ־ישראלי הנושן מאת יונתן פופר. אנחנו יושבים מטרים ספורים מארכיון מפלגת העבודה, בבית מעונו ההיסטורי, ליד שולחן הכתיבה והספרייה של ברל. הממורביליה הנוסטלגית שאופפת את שפתו החזותית של הגיליון ואת החדר היא תפאורה מושלמת לנושא השיחה שלנו. השמאל הישראלי, ותנועת העבודה בפרט, כפריט אספנות בעל ערך מוזיאלי. זו כבר קלישאה. רז מוכן לקבל את זה כנקודת מוצא עובדתית, אבל בשום פנים ואופן לא משלים עם פסק הדין ההיסטורי. בגיל 36, אדם רז הוא היסטוריון פוליטי החובק כבר שלושה ספרים שעוררו לא מעט הדים. “המאבק על הפצצה” (2015), חלק ראשון מתוך טרילוגיה העוסקת בגרעין הישראלי (החלק השני צפוי להתפרסם בחודש הבא), “הרצל: מאבקיו מבית ומחוץ” (2017), שחיבר יחד עם יגאל וגנר, ו”טבח כפר קאסם – ביוגרפיה פוליטית” שיצא לאור בסוף 2018.אבל הביוגרפיה שלו חריגה בנוף האקדמי; רז לא צמח בחממות הגידול המסורתיות של היכלי הידע הישראליים. הוא למד באוניברסיטה הפתוחה ומועסק היום בקרן כצנלסון, ולא באחת המחלקות להיסטוריה. “אם אני כותב על הגרעין בארץ או הרצל או הממשל הצבאי, זה לא בשביל קידום אקדמי”, הוא מתוודה, “אלא כטקסטים פוליטיים שיש להם עניין לשנות את האופן שבו אנחנו מבינים את עצמנו”. “אני רוצה לחזור לשלוט”, הוא יגיד לי עוד מעט, לא לפני שאנסה להבין במה שונה כתב העת החדש של קרן כצנלסון מאינספור הפעמים שבהן התכנס השמאל לשיח של חשבון נפש אחרי תבוסה בבחירות, והתפלש בקריסתו בסימפוזיונים בצוותא או באסופת מאמרים. “אחרי לא מעט זמן”, הוא אומר, “השמאל הציוני מבין שהוא לא בשלטון, ושהוא לא מפלגת שלטון. שזה לא סיפור של קוניונקטורה זמנית או שבחרנו יו”ר לא מוצלח. מבינים שהרעיונות שלנו לא הגמוניים”.זה חדש? מתבקש להזכיר לך שבמקום שאנחנו יושבים בו היום, לפני 42 שנים, בעקבות מהפך 77′, נערך רב־שיח דומה, בהשתתפות בכירי העבודה ואינטלקטואלים, בניסיון להבין את הסיבות למפלה. “ההבדל הוא קודם כל בתנאים השונים. כשהם שאלו זאת, זה היה על בסיס תנועה קיימת שחטפה נוקאאוט אלקטורלי. אבל הם שאלו את זה בנקודה שבה הם היו עדיין הגמוניים. אני שואל את השאלה ממקום שבו תנועת העבודה – לא מפלגת העבודה ומפלגות השמאל הציוני – אלא העבודה, כמחנה, כמעט לא קיים”. אני לא בטוח שהבנתי את ההבחנה.“בדרך כלל מה שזוכה למרכז תשומת הלב זה העניין המפלגתי, אבל המפלגות הן רק חלק מסוים מתנועה. קח את תנועת העבודה ההיסטורית – מפא”י, מפ”ם, אחדות העבודה – אלה מפלגות שייצגו את האנשים בפרלמנט. אבל היו לתנועה מוסדות: ‘דבר’, ‘עם עובד’, אגד, קופת חולים. תנועת העבודה היתה הגמונית כי היה לה זרם עובדים בחינוך; היא חינכה אנשים, היא דאגה לבריאות שלהם, היא דאגה אפילו לקבוצת הכדורגל שלהם”.אבל המוסדות האלה היו מונופוליסטיים. למציאות הזאת, ולכל הפרקטיקות הידועות שנלוו לה, אתה רוצה להחזיר אותנו?“אני רוצה לחזור להיות הגמוני. אני לא בא להצדיק את כל מה שנעשה בעבר. נעשו דברים קשים שצריך לדבר עליהם. היתה גם מדיניות שנישלה והפרידה וחילקה את המשאבים בצורה לא צודקת. אבל ב־40 השנים האחרונות אנחנו חיים תחת הגמוניה של הימין. המאבק שלי כיום הוא מעבר לתיקון עצמי, והשתפכות על כמה עווינו ופשענו”.  תמונה אלקטורלית עגומהאתה מתאר את זה כמעט כמשבר ארגוני. אני מכיר הרבה אנשים שיגידו שאובדן ההגמוניה קשור באיזו התרחקות של השמאל הישראלי מערכי ליבה. תראה את ההתגייסות נגד חוק הלאום.”בדיוק להפך. הציונות קמה כתנועה חברתית עם רגל לאומית: לבוא לארץ ולבנות מחדש מרחב לעם היהודי. ‘חברה חדשה’ בלשונו של הרצל, אבל שתהיה מתוקנת ושוויונית, מה שנקרא כיום מדינת רווחה או מדינה סוציאל־דמוקרטית. במשך עשרות השנים האחרונות הדבר הזה מפורק לבנה־לבנה על ידי הימין.”מה שמצחיק הוא שדווקא הימין החדש – לא במובן המפלגתי – שצובר תאוצה לאחרונה, מתרחק מהימין שקרא תיגר על הציונות השמאלית של פעם. אם אתה לוקח כתב עת מוביל כמו ‘השילוח’, אין קשר בינו לבין התנועה הימנית שפעלה כאן במשך עשרות שנים. זה ימין ליברטריאני, רחוק לחלוטין מהערכים המכוננים שעמדו בלב הציונות הימנית עצמה”. מה בעצם אתה אומר לאנשי שמאל, אנחנו היורשים האמיתיים או האותנטיים ביותר של הפרוגרמה הציונית הראשונה, כמו שקרא לזה שמואל נח אייזנשטדט, ואלה שקוראים לנו בוגדים, סוטים בעצמם מהדרך של אבותיהם?“יש צורך בריקליימינג, לנכס מחדש את המושג ‘ציונות שמאלית’. הימין הצליח לפרק חלק אינטגרלי מהתוכן המכונן של ציונות העבודה, להכניס תוכן חדש ולהוקיע את כל מי שלא מחזיק בו כאנטי או פוסט־ציוני”.  נשמע כאילו המשימה הדחופה שלך היא לרפא את השמאל מהדיכוי הפסיכולוגי שהופעל עליו.
“חלקים בשמאל בהחלט אימצו חלק נכבד מהאידיאולוגיה שפיתחו נגדם. בסקרי זהות רק 8 אחוזים מהציבור בארץ מגדירים את עצמם כבעל זהות שמאלית. קשה לי לדבר בשם 8 אחוזים ולתאר את הפחדים שלהם, אבל כן הייתי אומר שהרטוריקה הימנית האלימה של השנים האחרונות חלחלה לעומק התודעה והעשייה של רבים בשמאל. פתאום אני צריך להוכיח שאני ציוני, שיש לי זיקה לארץ הזאת. המאבק הוא להסיר את הווירוס הזה, ששכנעו חלקים גדולים בציבור הישראלי ששמאל זה אנטי־פטריוטיות ואנטי־לאומיות”. לא הכל זה דה־לגיטימציה מצד הימין, גם למציאות יש חלק בתהליך שאתה מתאר.“ברור שיש איזו סוציולוגיה מסוימת. חלק גדול ממצביעי השמאל בארץ הם אנשים מבוגרים; רוב המצביעים עד גיל 35 תומכים בימין. יש מיליון וחצי ערבים, כמיליון יוצאי בריה”מ לשעבר, כמעט חצי מיליון מעבר לקו הירוק, שם רק 1.8 אחוזים מצביעים לעבודה ומרצ. כשמתחילים לפלח את העוגה, התמונה מבחינת האלקטורט השמאלי היא יחסית עגומה. העובדה שלא מצביעים בפריפריה כמעט למפלגות שמאל אומרת דרשני. אני לא מאשים רק את הימין”.אולי זה נובע מתפיסת עולם, הם מסתכלים על ביטחון, על כלכלה, מה יש למפלגות השמאל למכור? “יש כאן סיטואציה מעורבת. כשאנחנו עושים סקרים, יוצא שהפריפריה מחזיקה בעמדות סוציאל־דמוקרטיות הרבה מאוד פעמים. אני חושב שהאדם הממוצע היום עוסק בהישרדות חברתית, כלכלית, ביטחונית. אנשים שחיים בארץ נדרשים לשרוד, ישראל הפכה לארץ שקשה לחיות בה. פערים חברתיים מרקיעי שחקים, חיים תחת חרדה קיומית כל הזמן”.זה מנוגד לכל מדדי האושר למיניהם וגם לנתונים האובייקטיביים. אפשר להשוות את המציאות העכשווית לעידן ההגמוניה של מפא”י? “ההבדל הוא שבשנות ה־50, למשל, כשהיה צנע ממשי, המדינה והחברה באו והתמודדו איתו. היו ערכים מכוננים בתוך ההתמודדות הזאת – סולידריות, שיתוף פעולה”. אז מה שנעלם מהנוף זו הסולידריות, שהופכת את ההתמודדות לנסבלת?“לא רק הסולידריות. מה בעצם מפעיל בן אדם היום? מניע אישי או שהוא ציות לחוק. פעם היה עוד רובד; אדם פעל מתוך וולונטריות מסוימת, מתפיסה שאני חלק ממשהו גדול. הדבר הזה כמעט הוכחד היום”. “לא ציוני? לא שותף”אחרי המפולת ב־77′, המאמץ היה בידול העבודה מהימין ומהשלטון, וכחלק מכך הוקע האגף החדש בפוליטיקה הישראלית: המרכז, מפלגת ד”ש שהצטרפה לממשלת בגין. בשיח הנוכחי מתווסף למפת היריבים אויב חדש: השמאל הלא־ציוני, נקרא לו. “כיוון שיש לי זהות ותפיסת עולם של שמאל ציוני, אז יש כאלה שנכנסים ויש כאלה שלא שותפים. השמאל שהוא לא ציוני, שהוא חושב שאין לעם היהודי זכות על הארץ, הוא לא שותף שלי. הוא לא אויב – אבל הוא לא שותף. הימין פוגע בצורה קשה באידיאה הדמוקרטית בישראל, וכך גם השמאל האנטי־ציוני או זה של פוליטיקת הזהויות, השולל את זכותה של מדינת ישראל כמדינה יהודית ודמוקרטית. עם שני הגורמים האלה אני צריך להתמודד ולנהל מאבק אידיאולוגי”.יוצא מזה שיש לך פרטנר מפתיע: הימין הליברלי.“הימין הליברלי היום הוא שותף. דן מרידור, ציפי לבני, הם בהחלט שותפים לחלק מהדרך”. אז השמאל הלא־ציוני “לא פרטנר”, אבל מצד שני יש בכתב העת קריאה לשותפות יהודית־ערבית. “זה מורכב. תרופת פלאים אין. מוסטפא כבהא קורא בגיליון לשתף פעולה עכשיו, ללכת יחד חלק מהדרך. את הוויכוח אפשר לדחות לאחר כך”.ואז יש סיכוי שהערבים יסכימו למדינה ציונית?“כן, אם אנחנו נפתור את הסכסוך ויהיו גבולות חד־משמעיים, פלשתין ומדינת ישראל, אני חושב שהיכולת שלי לבוא לציבור הערבי ולומר לו ‘עכשיו נדרש מכם יותר’, תהיה גדולה יותר. כרגע זה פחות אפשרי. כמו שיהודי בארה”ב יכול להחזיק בזהות מורכבת, גם ערבי פלשתיני אזרח ישראל יכול להחזיק בזהות מורכבת”. בכותרת המשנה שלכם, אתם שואלים איך השמאל יכול לבנות מחדש את הכוח שלו. “היום אחרי הרבה שנים של פוסט־מודרניזם, כוח נתפס כדבר מתועב, משחית. חלילה. אני רוצה להיות הגמוני, אליטה, אני רוצה כוח בידיים שלי. תחשוב כמה שנים אנחנו לא נמצאים בתוך המוסדות והמשרדים שבהם מתקבלות ההחלטות הרציניות”. דווקא נראה שמפלגת העבודה לא מפספסת שום הזדמנות להחזיר קצת כוח לידיים. “הרצוג היה צריך להיכנס בזמנו לממשלת אחדות. אני חושב שגם גבאי היה צריך להיכנס. אם הדיווחים נכונים, אם נתניהו היה מבטל את פסקת ההתגברות ואת חוק החסינות, ונותן למפלגת העבודה כמה תיקים, ובהם שר האוצר, היה צריך להיכנס. הציבור השמאלי משווע לראות את הרעיונות שלו מתממשים”.אבל לא אצל נתניהו.“חלקים גדולים בשמאל מנוכרים למדינה, כי הם מזהים את המדינה עם שלטון נתניהו. חלק גדול מהעשייה של השמאל נדד לחברה האזרחית. יש אינספור ארגוני חברה אזרחית שעושים דברים נפלאים, אבל הם לא מאורגנים יחדיו. השמאל צריך לבנות מחדש מוסדות כדי שהדברים ייעשו תחת גג אחד”.  בימין חושבים שכל המוסדות אצל השמאל.“אפשר להתווכח האם אלה מוסדות שהשמאל חזק בהם. אני לא חושב ככה. הרעיון הוא לבנות מוסדות שהאוריינטציה שלהם היא בניית תנועה. התנועה הקיבוצית בנתה חברה. ההסתדרות כמוסד בנתה חברה. אני רוצה מוסדות שיבנו דברים, שתהיה להם תפיסת עולם שלי, אני לא מתבייש. מי שעשה את זה בצורה הכי טובה בשנים האחרונות זה היה הימין. גוש אמונים זה פרויקט שאני מעריך בהקשר הזה, למרות שאני חלוק עליו”. אז אתה רוצה גוש אמונים של השמאל?“כן. בהחלט. אני רוצה נוער מגויס, מוסדות מגויסים. אני מסתכל בביקורת, אבל בקנאה, על האופן שבו צעירים פועלים בתוך התקשורת, בית המשפט, המפלגות, בצורה מאורגנת. יש להם להט ליצירה ומה שמניע אותם הם ערכים אמיתיים. אני חלוק לחלוטין על הערכים עצמם, אבל הם עוסקים באידיאה ובמעשה. והאנשים הללו, והמוסדות שהם הקימו, מייצרים סדר יום לחברה הישראלית. השמאל כבר שנים לא מייצר סדר יום”. מי יכשיר את האליטה שלי?מי שיקרא אותך יגיד, אני לא מבין, השמאל לא מייצר סדר יום? היית בדוקאביב לאחרונה, ראית ידיעון של מדעי הרוח? “בגילמן לומדים מאות בודדות של סטודנטים ודוקאביב, אני מכיר שלושה אנשים חוץ ממך שראו שם סרט. יש איזו דיספרופורציה, עיוות מסוים, אני בספק כמה אנשים ראו את הסרטים האחרונים שקיבלו חשיפה במוסף גלריה או קיבלו פרס ממפעל הפיס והרעישו עולמות. זה לא מה שמייצר סדר יום לחברה הישראלית”. מה כן מייצר סדר יום?“עיתון, מכוני מחקר, מכינות, לא של מפלגה, של תנועה. של שמאל ישראלי. בהחלט. עיתון הוא חלק מזה”. מה, “ישראל היום” של השמאל? “‘ישראל היום’ מראה לך את הכוח העצום שיש ביכולת לקחת אידיאה, לקחת רעיון, ולשים אותו לאנשים בראש. אני מסתכל על הדבר הזה בקנאה. אני מסתכל על המחויבות שיש לנוער הגבעות, לאידיאולוגים, לגוש אמונים, איך הם פועלים בנחישות בתוך מרכז הליכוד למשל, כתב העת “השילוח”, מרכז שלם. עם כל הביקורת שלי על השמרנות והניאו־ליברליות, מרכז שלם זה מוסד להכשרת אליטה. אליטה משרתת. איפה המוסדות שלי?”זאת אומרת, לא רק המדינה נסוגה מאחריותה ומהסולידריות, אלא גם השמאל?“כן, וקמו כמו פטריות אחרי הגשם ארגוני חברה אזרחית, כמוני, שפועלים בתוך מציאות מופרטת, שבה כל אחד מטפל בדבר קטן. אין סינכרוניזציה בין הדברים. כדי לבנות מחנה, צריך תיאום. זו לא איזו המצאה של כתב העת. תנועת העבודה היא ייחודית בהיסטוריית התנועות החברתיות; היחידה בעולם שקמה בלי מרות וכוח. עד 48′ הכוח היה בידי הבריטים. הכל קם וולונטרית: ההסתדרות; קופת חולים, בתי ספר. ההתגייסות הזו יצרה פרויקט ייחודי. הקואופרטיב הארץ־ישראלי מיוחד, וזה יצר חברה שעשתה הרבה דברים טובים והרבה עוולות. אבל את הדברים הטובים אני רוצה ללמוד ולקחת”.
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Israeli historian Adam Raz released a new book in Carmel Publishing House dealing with the Looting of Arab Property in the War of Independence (1948)

The Israeli publishing house (Carmel) released a new book by the Israeli historian Adam Raz entitled “Looting of Arab Property in the War of Independence,” which is a broad study that reveals the extent of the looting of Palestinian property by the Israelis in the 1948 Nakba, and it confesses to the Prime Minister of the first Israeli government David Ben-Gurion Where he said: “most of the Jews are thieves,” according to the writer. Historian Adam Raz’s study is based on documents from dozens of archives and Hebrew newspapers. To check the news, click here.=====================================https://fmep.org/event/a-founding-generation-of-looters-new-research-on-israeli-theft-of-palestinian-property-in-1948/
A Founding Generation of Looters: New Research on Israeli Theft of Palestinian Property in 1948  

OCT 202020 Tuesday 11:00AM – 12:00PM EST

A Founding Generation of Looters: New Research on Israeli Theft of Palestinian Property in 1948

Recorded Tuesday, October 20th

11am – 12pm EDT

featuring 

Adam Raz (Akevot: Institute for Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Research)

and

Yousef Munayyer (Arab Center Washington DC)

with 

Sarah Anne Minkin (FMEP)

In a newly-published book (discussed in recent blockbuster Haaretz article), Israeli historian Adam Raz shatters the “conspiracy of silence” that surrounds the widespread Jewish looting of Palestinian property that took place in 1948. Drawing from materials he found in more than 30 archives, Raz documents how in the period around the 1948 War, Jewish civilians – who after the war became the founding generation of the state of Israel – pillaged private Palestinian property throughout the land. Raz also documents how, as the looting took place in full public view, Jewish leaders – including David Ben Gurion – knew what was happening and, even as some expressed disapproval, did nothing to stop it. 

Raz’s research sheds light not only on this phenomenon of widespread theft by Israel’s founding generation, but also on the political impact this looting had on Israel’s relations with Palestinians and the fate of Palestinian refugees. As Raz observes, having robbed their neighbors, Israeli civilians became “accomplices to the political situation,” with a “vested interest” in preventing their former neighbors from ever returning. 

To discuss this research and what it means for both Israelis and Palestinians, as well as the process of using archival materials and retelling history to achieve a more just future, we invite you to an FMEP webinar featuring: Adam Raz, researcher at Akevot: Institute for Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Research and author of Looting of Arab Property in the War of Independence (Carmel Publishing House, in association with the Akevot Institute for Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Research; in Hebrew), and Yousef Munayyer, non-resident fellow at Arab Center Washington DC; in conversation with Sarah Anne Minkin, FMEP’s Director of Programs and Partnerships. 

Participants

Adam Raz is an Israeli historian whose field of research is political history of the twentieth century (especially the history of nuclear weapons, and Israel-Arab relations) and Marxist thought. His newest book, Looting of Arab Property in the War of Independence, was co-published by Akevot and Carmel Publishing House in September 2020 and addresses the looting of Palestinian properties in 1948. In 2015 he published his first book about Israel’s nuclear history, The Struggle for the Bomb, with an emphasis on the domestic debate inside Israel regarding Israel’s nuclear program. The book is part of trilogy and part two, The Strong Hand Regime, was published in 2019. Adam also wrote Herzl (2017) with Yigal Wagner on the history of the Zionist movement in the context of international relations. He also wrote Kafr Qassem Massacre: A Political Biography (2018) which is the first academic book on the subject. He has published peer review articles in academic journals and writes regularly in Ha’aretz. 

Yousef Munayyer, PhD, is a non-resident Fellow at Arab Center Washington DC (ACW). He writes on the Arab-Israeli conflict and is a member of the editorial committee of the Journal of Palestine Studies. Some of his published articles can be found in The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Nation, Boston Globe, Foreign Policy, Journal of Palestine Studies, Middle East Policy, and others. Dr. Munayyer holds a PhD in International Relations and Comparative Politics from the University of Maryland.

Moderator

Sarah Anne Minkin, PhD, is expert on the intersection between Israeli civil society and Palestinian civil rights and human rights advocacy as well as the ways that American Jews approach the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. She leads FMEP’s programming, works to deepen FMEP’s relationships with existing and potential grantees, and builds relationships with new partners in the philanthropic community. She is an affiliated faculty member at University of California, Berkeley’s Center for Right-Wing Studies====================================  https://prc.org.uk/en/news/2927/new-israeli-book-jewish-soldiers-and-civilians-looted-arab-neighbors-property-en-masse-in-48

New Israeli Book: Jewish Soldiers and Civilians Looted Arab Neighbors’ Property en Masse in ’48

Category : Refugees News / Right of Return Published Date: 04 Oct 2020

A first-ever comprehensive study by historian Adam Raz reveals the extent to which Jews looted Arab property during the 1948 Nakba (mass-displacement of Palestinians from their homes and lands), and explains why Ben-Gurion stated: ‘Most of the Jews are thieves’, reported Haaretz daily in a recent article published on October 3.

“We turned a mahogany closet into a chicken coop and we swept up the garbage with a silver tray. There was chinaware with gold embellishments, and we would spread a sheet on the table and place chinaware and gold on it, and when the food was finished, everything was taken together to the basement”, a witness was quoted as stating in the book.

“In another place, we found a storeroom with 10,000 boxes of caviar, that’s what they counted. After that, the guys couldn’t touch caviar again their whole life. There was a feeling on one hand of shame at the behavior, and on the other hand a feeling of lawlessness”, added the witness.

“We spent 12 days there, when Jerusalem was groaning under horrible shortages, and we were putting on weight. We ate chicken and delicacies you wouldn’t believe. In [the headquarters at] Notre Dame, some people shaved with champagne”, the testimony proceeds.

The book provides instances on the misappropriation of Palestinian homes, shops, factories, farmlands, clothes, books, and other property
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Archived documents uncovered by Akevot filed to High Court in petition on settlement jurisdiction allocation

June 22nd, 2017Akevot

The head of the council of Palestinian village of Jalud and human rights group Yesh Din filed a petition the High Court of Justice, demanding the court instruct proceedings for the demarcation of settlement jurisdictions be made public and transparent and include a public consultation process prior to jurisdiction declarations. The petition also seeks to revoke the jurisdiction allocated for the new settlement of Amichai. Petitioners submitted to Court two archived documents uncovered by Akevot. 

The petitioners submitted to Court a document recently uncovered by Akevot Institute, which reveals that in 1981, a decision was made to designate all public land in the West Bank for Israeli local and regional councils. The document, written in February 1981 and entitled, “Inclusion of state land, Jewish-owned land and acquired land in the jurisdiction of regional councils”, says the jurisdictions of Israeli councils will include all such lands in the area of the councils, as well as land in the possession of the supervisor of abandoned and governmental property, including absentee property

The petitioners have also submitted a 1980 Legal Opןnion by then-Attorney General Yizhak Zamir. The Opinion deals with the legality of using expropriated private Palestinian land for Israeli settlements. This document was recently submitted to the High Court by petitioners against the Regulation Law.

Akevot has provided the documents to the petitioners as part of its programme of assisting human rights defenders with archival records of relevance to their work.

In their petition, Jalud council head and Yesh Din emphasize that designating public land to the jurisdiction of settlements or regional councils has a tremendous impact on the lives of Palestinian residents, and violates their fundamental human rights. Palestinians are barred from entering Israeli settlements and jurisdictions and from using many roads inside them. Palestinian land is often trapped in enclaves that can only be accessed with special permits and prior coordination, and such access often involves altercations with settlement residents and security personnel. The petition argues that decisions regarding the demarcation of Israeli councils’ jurisdictional boundaries are made behind closed doors without informing the public, which precludes any advance knowledge of planned expansions or new jurisdictions for existing or new settlements, despite the fact that such jurisdictions often include privately owned Palestinian land that has been seized for military needs or expropriated for public use.

RELATED

Petition background from Yesh Din

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https://www.yesh-din.org/en/high-court-petition-transparency-demarcation-jurisdictional-boundaries-west-bank/

High Court petition for transparency in the demarcation of jurisdictional boundaries in the West Bank

22.6.2017

HCJ 5073/17 – Head of the council of Jalud et al. V the IDF Commander in the West Bank et al.

Petition submission date:
 22.6.2017

The head of the council of the Palestinian village of Jalud, and Yesh Din have filed a petition against the IDF Commander in the West Bank and the Binyamin Regional Council, demanding the court instruct proceedings for the demarcation of settlement jurisdictions be made public and transparent. The petition also calls for the revocation of the jurisdiction allocated for the settlement of Amichai, which includes enclaves of privately owned Palestinian land.

The petition argues that decisions regarding the demarcation of Israeli councils’ jurisdictional boundaries are made behind closed doors without informing the public, which precludes any advance knowledge of planned expansions or new jurisdictions for existing or new settlements. Such jurisdictions often include privately owned Palestinian land that has been seized for military needs or expropriated for public use. The petition also argues that under the procedure for establishing new Israeli settlements, privately owned Palestinian land that has been seized for either military or public purposes, in violation of property rights, is considered public land and that this practice is unlawful and contradicts previous High Court rulings.

Because of the military commander’s practices, Palestinians who are harmed by changes made to jurisdictions, which often cover a much larger area than the settlement to which they belong, are unaware of any planned changes and therefore unable to present their positions to the authorities prior to the final decision. In contrast, when an area under the jurisdiction of one Israeli council is transferred to the jurisdiction of another, there is a public consultation process.

The petition encloses a document uncovered by the Akevot Institute, which reveals that in 1981, a decision was made to designate all public land in the West Bank for Israeli local and regional councils. The document, entitled, “Inclusion of state land, Jewish-owned land and acquired land in the jurisdiction of regional councils”, says the jurisdictions of Israeli councils will include all state land, Jewish-owned land and acquired land in the area of the councils, as well as land in the possession of the supervisor of abandoned and governmental property, including absentee property.

Designating public land to the jurisdiction of settlements or regional councils has a tremendous impact on the lives of Palestinian residents, and violates their fundamental human rights. Palestinians are barred from entering Israeli settlements and jurisdictions and from using many roads inside them. Palestinian land is often trapped in enclaves that can only be accessed with special permits and prior coordination, and such access often involves altercations with settlement residents and security personnel.

In response to the petition, in January 2018 the State announced its intention to change the way in which jurisdictional boundaries are demarcated in the West Bank, so that Palestinians with “personal interests” who may be harmed by the demarcation can make their position known before the decision is made, or request retroactive changes to the boundaries. However, regarding the present petition, the State Attorney’s Office argued that it should be dismissed as the jurisdictional area of the new settlement of Amichai includes only state land, and as the chosen location will enable establishment of the settlement “at a low cost”. Although the State Attorney’s Office admitted that the demarcation of the settlement’s jurisdiction has created enclaves of privately-owned Palestinian land, it argued that the owners will be able to access their land with prior coordination, based on the security situation at the given time, and therefore their rights will not be harmed.

Following the State’s response, in a hearing concerning the petition the judges recommended that it be dismissed, leaving open the possibility of resubmitting the petition should the State not fulfill its obligations. Consequently, the petition was dismissed.

Status: Dismissed, on recommendation of the Court
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https://greenstein57.rssing.com/chan-7308467/article988-live.html

EXCLUSIVE Documents Reveal How Israel Made Amnesty’s Local Branch a Front for the Foreign Ministry in the 70sThe Israeli government funded the establishment and activity of the Amnesty International branch in Israel in the 1960s and 70s. Official documents reveal that the chairman of the organization was in constant contact with the Foreign Ministry and received instructions from it.
Uri Blau Mar 18, 2017 8:53 PM
 Police Minister Shlomo Hillel with David Elazar, Shimon Peres, Michael Hazani and Rehavam Ze’evi in 1972. Fritz Cohen / GPOAt the beginning of April 1970 Police Minister Shlomo Hillel stepped up to the Knesset podium. He updated the legislators on contacts between the government of Israel and Amnesty International concerning detainees imprisoned in Israel and torture. He concluded: “We can no long trust the goodwill and fairness of the Amnesty organization.”What the minister reported to the Knesset was that for a number of years, Israel had tried to influence the Amnesty’s activity from within. Documents collected by the Akevot Institute for Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Research and revealed here for the first time show that some of the people who headed Amnesty Israel from the end of the 1960s to the mid-1970s reported on their activity directly and in real time to the Foreign Ministry, consulted with its officials and requested instructions on how to proceed. Moreover, the Amnesty office was at the time supported by steady funding transferred to it through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs: hundreds of Israeli pounds for flights abroad, per diem allowances, registration fees and dues payments to the organization’s headquarters.The documents show that the most substantive connection was between the Foreign Ministry and Prof. Yoram Dinstein, who headed the branch between 1974 and 1976. Dinstein, an internationally renowned expert on the laws of war who later served as president of Tel Aviv University, had previously been a Foreign Ministry official and served as the Israeli consul in New York.During his time as chairman of Amnesty Israel, years after he left the ministry, he regularly reported to his former colleagues on his activities and contacts with the international organization.Amnesty International was founded in London in 1961 by British lawyer Peter Benenson, who, incensed over the arrests of Portuguese students, started enlisting people to petition their governments to release those who have since then been defined as “prisoners of conscience.”skip – How Amnesty International fronted for Israel’s Foreign Ministry
Three years later, the Israeli branch of Amnesty began operations. They were volunteers working on behalf of prisoners worldwide. This activity, however, which from the outset was fairly limited, was damaged in the wake of a report Amnesty International published in 1969 about the situation of the Palestinians imprisoned in Israel. This dispute is the background to Minister Hillel’s report to the Knesset. “The Amnesty branch in Israel consists of one person (more precisely, one woman), who is Ms. Bella Ravdin who lives in Haifa. We are maintaining contact with her but it is not possible to trust her on every issue,” wrote Nathan Bar-Yaacov, the director of the Foreign Ministry department that dealt with international organizations and United Nations bodies, to head of the ministry director general’s office Hannan Bar-On in December 1971.
A 1975 article about Ravdin in Haaretz described her as a serial writer of letters to the editor at various newspapers and an activist for various issues, from legalization of prostitution to benefits for students. According to the article, she invested the money she received as German reparations for her mother’s death in a concentration camp into developing the Amnesty branch. The report says that her criticism of the organization’s attitude towards Israel ultimately led her to cease acting on its behalf.According to Foreign Ministry documents, Ravdin’s activity was subsidized by the state, which paid her Amnesty International membership dues and funded her trip to the organization’s international conference in 1969. At the time, Ravdin was briefed to bring up the problem of the Jews in Arab countries at the conference and on how to react if the subject of “the Arab detainees in the territories” was raised. Bar-Yaacov wrote: “It is desirable from our perspective that the connection between her and the organization continue in the future as well and therefore it is desirable to make it possible for her to pay the membership fee. Last year, too, we approved this sum for the same purpose.” He signed his letter with a recommendation: “At this juncture it is perhaps desirable to think about establishing a branch of Amnesty in Israel consisting of people who are of somewhat higher status and have executive ability.”Bar-Yaacov was not the only one at the Foreign Ministry who thought so. In a 1971 letter Mordecai Kidron, the foreign minister’s advisor on the UN, wrote to his colleague Shmuel Dibon, the minister’s advisor in charge of public diplomacy: “Thus far, as you know, we haven’t found the suitable instruments for building a positive image abroad concerning human rights in Israel and in the occupied territories, and on this particular issue it is not possible to make do with government instruments. The establishment of a non-governmental body … which would be actively connected to organizations and personages abroad would be very useful to us.”In 1971 and 1972, Dinstein tried to establish a human rights institute at Tel Aviv University that would be funded by the Foreign Ministry. He discussed this idea with ministry officials but it was rejected, in part because of the size of the budget Dinstein requested – about 100,000 Israeli pounds (about $23,000 at the time, which, corrected for inflation, is in the neighborhood of $120,000 today). In July of 1972 the Israeli branch of Amnesty was reorganized and four lawyers were appointed to lead it in coordination with the organization’s headquarters. The Foreign Ministry documents have little to say about this period and there are hardly any reports in the various archives about what happened in the organization during the subsequent year and a half.skip – How Amnesty International fronted for Israel’s Foreign Ministry
Things changed at the beginning of 1974, when Dinstein himself was chosen to head the local Amnesty branch. One of the documents shows that the meeting at which he was selected for the position was also attended by the Foreign Ministry officer who Dinstein would be in contact with during his time in office: the deputy director of the international organizations division, Sinai Rome.Dinstein immediately shifted the organization’s activity into higher gear: For the first time, Amnesty was officially registered as an association and adopted its articles of association. On May 22, 1974, Dinstein updated Rome on his activities – for the most part technical – since he had taken up the position. He requested 2,500 Israeli pounds (just under $600 in 1974; about $3,135 today) for routine expenses and attached an internal Amnesty document that detailed his income from branches abroad. Less than a month later, Rome wrote to “Dear Yoram” that his request had been granted and that 2,000 Israeli pounds (about $476 then; $2,490 today) had been transferred to him.At least judging from the Foreign Ministry correspondence, Dinstein viewed his work at Amnesty through the narrow prism of making the case for Israel’s position. Thus, for example, he conveyed through the Foreign Ministry an article he wrote in response to an article critical of Israel published by human rights lawyer Felicia Langer in June of 1974. He began by noting that he was writing as “chairman of the Israel national section of amnesty” and did not mention his connection to the Foreign Ministry. Shortly thereafter Dinstein reported to Rome that he had received a letter from an Arab women’s organization in the United States requesting any information he had about Palestinian detainees and prisoners. Including their letter, in which they also requested information about the Israeli branch of Amnesty, Dinstein wrote that he was leaning toward not replying but wished to consult with Rome on the matter. Rome replied: “It seems to us that there is scope for answering the letter and writing that ‘there are no Palestinian prisoners of conscience in the prisons but rather terrorists and others who have been tried for security offenses.’” He asked that all the correspondence be forwarded to Israeli consulates in New York and Los Angeles.In February 1975 Dinstein notified Rome about a letter he received from the French Amnesty branch concerning Police Minister Hillel’s remarks on the dispute with Amnesty. Dinstein advised the Foreign Ministry to “send the questioner public diplomacy material in French.” Rome replied: “As you have suggested, I am hereby forwarding Mr. Sinai’s[SIC] letter to Mr. Shlomo Drori, of our embassy in France, for his attention, together with the summary of our relations with Amnesty International.”In May of that year, Dinstein asked Rome for funding for a trip to an Amnesty conference in Switzerland. Rome was glad to tell him that he would receive 6,000 Israeli pounds ($1,000 at the time; about $4,650 today) for a plane ticket and four days per diem allowance. “Please inform me as to which travel agency we should send the money,” he answered. After the conference, which was held that September, Dinstein sent a report with a survey of the organization’s activities and noted that Dr. Nitza Shapiro-Libai also attended the conference as an observer on behalf of the branch. Dinstein wrote that Amnesty’s political leanings were generally left-ish but it could not be said that it was an extreme leftist organization. He explained that there had been a discussion about relocating the organization’s headquarters to Geneva and that the decision had not yet been taken. “The atmosphere that prevails in all of the international organizations centered in Geneva will, in my opinion, be a stumbling block for Israel,” he wrote.skip – How Amnesty International fronted for Israel’s Foreign Ministry
In an accompanying letter to Rome, he wrote: “I am not forwarding this report to other people at the ministry, and therefore it is up to you to decide whether to send it on to anyone for their perusal (for example, to the embassy in London).” Rome thanked him for sending the report and wrote that they were accepting his recommendation “to distribute our replies to Amnesty concerning the report on the prisoners of war in Syria and in Israel to our diplomatic missions aboard.”Dinstein made it clear in a conversation last week that he does not think highly Amnesty. “I resigned after a few years when I became aware that this is a populist organization very far from everything I believe in, which is research and knowledge,” he said. According to him, “Today Amnesty International is dealing with an area about which it understands nothing – international humanitarian law.” Throughout the conversation, he denied that he had been in constant contact with the Foreign Ministry and had received funding from it during the period he ran the branch. When asked where the funding for the organization came from in those years, he said he had raised the money from his own sources. “There was no need for much of a budget. We employed people part-time then.”How was the Foreign Ministry involved? “There was no involvement. The Foreign Ministry had no interest.”Who is Sinai Rome? “He was head of a department at the Foreign Ministry. I knew him but I had no contact with him about this.””I don’t know anything,” replied Dinstein when told of evidence that shows otherwise. He added, “I don’t remember,” and ended the conversation.During those years, Avi Primor was a diplomat in the Foreign Ministry. He too is mentioned in a few items of correspondence from 1977, which were addressed to him as head of the international organizations division. He has known Dinstein personally ever since they were both 17-year-old university students before their conscription into the Israel Defense Forces.“He is a patriot in the sense of ‘whatever my country does is right,’ an absolute patriot,” said Primor of Dinstein. “I freed myself from that when I reached a certain age. He – less so.”Primor related that Dinstein joined the Foreign Ministry at the same time he did, but did not stay there for very long because he preferred the academic world.As for the Foreign Ministry’s conduct with respect to international organizations during those years, Primor explained: “Our aim was to influence. Not to fight them, not to vilify and not to forbid them to enter they do today. The aim was to debate, to persuade. I didn’t engage in that but I assume that persuading and influencing in every possible way also includes money.”It is difficult to imagine a situation today in which senior officials of a human rights organizations would maintain a relationship with the establishment and receive funding from it.“You can’t compare. It’s a different atmosphere and different concepts. Organizations like Breaking the Silence or B’Tselem – there wasn’t anything of the sort back then,” said Primor. “There were a few people, individuals, and they were perceived as naïve … In the first years of the occupation it was seen as something temporary. No one thought it would go on for 50 years. That was something unimaginable.”During that period, Dr. Edward Kaufman, who later became the chairman of the board of B’Tselem: The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, worked alongside Dinstein at Amnesty. “It was a club of jurists and lawyers,” he told Haaretz this week. Kaufman relates that he had a conflict with Dinstein over the latter’s activity to benefit the state of Israel.” He saw himself as the State of Israel’s watchdog,” he recalls.However, Kaufman too is mentioned in Foreign Ministry documents as someone who was in contact with ministry staff, though he is depicted as less fervid than Dinstein. For instance, Rome thanks Kaufman for a report the he sent about an Amnesty conference on the subject of torture held toward the end of 1973, following the Yom Kippur War. “The main objective toward which the delegation worked was the release of the Israeli captives in Syria,” Kaufman wrote. He added that the cooperation with officials at the Israeli Embassy was productive and included a letter he had sent after the conference to the secretary of Amnesty International.Kaufman confirmed this and gave it context: He described an completely different atmosphere among human rights groups and the Israeli left operating under a different government than the one that prevails today, and notably, a different personal feeling toward the state. “There wasn’t a sense that there were grave problems with human rights. We are talking about the period of ‘enlightened occupation’ and at that time I felt quite good with respect to the situation of human rights in Israel and in the territories.” The Foreign Ministry, he said, wanted him to explain what was happening at Amnesty. “I don’t remember that I was given any briefing to do anything or to fight against anything,” he said.Dinstein resigned from his position at Amnesty against the backdrop of conflict that developed with Kaufman. Shapiro-Libai, who replaced Dinstein and served in the position until the mid-1980s, said that in her day, the branch didn’t receive any funding from the Foreign Ministry – Amnesty International paid its operating budget. “I think there was an interest that Israel should be a part of Amnesty because it is an important human rights organization,” she said. “I didn’t know that [Dinstein] reported in writing to the Foreign Ministry. I don’t assume that anyone knew but I do assume that he didn’t see any conflict of interest in that.”Lior Yavne, the executive director of Akevot, who found the documents, told Haaretz: “The manipulative exploitation of the civil society organizations in the years 1969 to 1976 in order to advance Israeli public diplomacy and refute findings and claims concerning violations of human rights in the territories is reminiscent of the activities of organizations and groups in recent years that supposedly originate in the civil society but have murky sources of funding and operate to damage the legitimacy of human rights organizations critical of the policy of the Israeli government. Now as then, this attack undermines the very existence of a free civil society.”The Israeli branch of Amnesty now operating in Tel Aviv was registered as a nonprofit organization in 1988 and is a late incarnation of the association established some three decades earlier. In recent years nearly its entire budget comes from Amnesty International. The organization does not receive any money from the Israeli government and last year there was even an attempt in the Knesset to deny its donors tax benefits.In a statement, Amnesty’s International Secretariat responded that the documents “present serious allegations suggesting that the leadership of our former Israel section acted in a manner that was blatantly at odds with Amnesty International’s principles.” Touting “impartiality and independence” as the organization’s core tenets, the statement points to a policy of not accepting government funds for any of its research or campaigns. “Our records show this principle was first formally agreed by the movement in 1975. No government should feel it is beyond our scrutiny,” said the statement.The statement says that “Amnesty International maintained rules at the time prohibiting sections from working on cases of human rights violations in their own country. Our work on Israel was therefore determined by the International Secretariat, not the former Israel section. Throughout this time Amnesty International highlighted human rights abuses being committed by the Israeli authorities, including calling for the suspension of Israel’s use of administrative detention.”During the period in question we were a movement that was still in its infancy. As we grew to become the truly global movement we are today, we have continued to develop robust governance policies and procedures to ensure stringent impartiality and accountability.”Amnesty Israel said that the documents it received demonstrates that the government of Israel has never refrained from making use of any means to evade accountability for the violation of human rights it conducts, in the 1970s as well as today. The branch said that the documents also show that the previous branch of Amnesty, registered as an Ottoman association in 1974, is not the branch that operates today, which was registered as an Israeli nonprofit in 1988, and added that the current Israeli branch is an active and integral part of the worldwide Amnesty movement.

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http://www.haaretz.co.il/news/politics/.premium-1.3934964

כך הפעילה ישראל את סניף אמנסטי בשנות ה-70

על פי מסמכים רשמיים, ישראל מימנה את הארגון בעשור השלישי להקמתה. בתמורה, יו”ר הארגון דיווח בקביעות למשרד החוץ וקיבל הנחיות כיצד להדוף טענות על עינויים ויחס רע לפלסטינים
18.03.2017

אורי בלאו

באפריל 1970 עלה לדוכן הנואמים בכנסת שר המשטרה אז שלמה הלל. הוא עדכן את הכנסת במגעים שניהלה הממשלה עם ארגון “אמנסטי אינטרנשיונל” שהתלונן על היחס לפלסטינים הכלואים בישראל ועל עינויים. השורה התחתונה היתה: “אין אנחנו יכולים עוד לתת אמון ברצונו הטוב ובהגינותו של ארגון אמנסטי”.

השר לא דיווח לח”כים על המאמץ שהשקיעה הממשלה כדי להשפיע על אמנסטי מבפנים.  ממסמכים שאסף מכון “עקבות” לחקר הסכסוך הישראלי־הפלסטיני, שנחשפים כאן לראשונה, מתברר כי כמה מהאנשים שעמדו בראש אמנסטי ישראל מסוף שנות ה–60 ועד אמצע שנות ה–70 דיווחו באופן שוטף למשרד החוץ, התייעצו עם אנשיו וקיבלו מהם הנחיות. יתרה מכך — סניף אמנסטי הישראלי התקיים אז בזכות מימון ממשלתי שהועבר דרך משרד החוץ: טיסות לחו”ל, הוצאות, דמי רישום ותשלום לארגון העולמי.

מהמסמכים עולה כי הקשר המהותי ביותר התנהל בין משרד החוץ למשפטן פרופ’ יורם דינשטיין, שעמד בראש הסניף בשנים 1974–19766. דינשטיין, חוקר בינלאומי של דיני מלחמה, שכיהן בהמשך כנשיא אוניברסיטת תל אביב, היה בעברו איש משרד החוץ. כאשר כיהן כיו”ר אמנסטי, שנים אחרי שעזב את משרד החוץ, הוא דיווח בקביעות על פעילות הארגון ועל מגעיו עם המטה העולמי שלו.

ארגון אמנסטי נוסד בלונדון ב–1961 על ידי עורך הדין פיטר בננסון, שגייס אנשים לקרוא לממשלות שונות בעולם לשחרר אסירי מצפון. הסניף הישראלי החל לפעול שלוש שנים לאחר מכן, אך פעילותו נפגעה בעקבות דו”ח שפרסם אמנסטי העולמי ב–1969, על מצבם של פלסטינים הכלואים בישראל. זה היה הרקע לדבריו של השר הלל בכנסת.קובץ מסמכים – דלגלקריאת המסמכים על מסך מלא – לחצו כאן

כיצד להגיב

בדצמבר 1971 כתב מנהל המחלקה לארגונים בינלאומיים במשרד החוץ נתן בר יעקב למנהל לשכת המנכ”ל במשרד, חנן בר־און כי “סניף אמנסטי בישראל מורכב מאיש אחד (נכון יותר אשה אחת) והיא גב’ בלה רבדין הגרה בחיפה. אנחנו שומרים על קשר עמה, אולם אי אפשר לסמוך עליה בכל דבר”. בכתבה ב”הארץ” ב–1975, מתוארת רבדין ככותבת סדרתית של מכתבים לעיתונים ופעילה חברתית. לפי הכתבה היא הקימה את סניף אמנסטי הישראלי בכספי הפיצויים שקיבלה מגרמניה על מות אמה במחנה ריכוז, אך בשל יחס הארגון לישראל, הפסיקה לפעול עבורו.

על פי מסמכי משרד החוץ, המדינה מימנה את פעילותה של רבדין, שילמה עבורה את דמי החבר באמנסטי אינטרנשיונל ומימנה את נסיעתה לכנס של הארגון בז’נווה ב–1969. לפני הנסיעה הודרכה רבדין להעלות בכנס את בעיית היחס ליהודים במדינות ערב, וכיצד עליה להגיב אם יעלה נושא “העצורים הערבים בשטחים”. בר יעקב כתב: “לנו רצוי שהקשר בינה לבין הארגון בלונדון יתקיים גם להבא ולכן רצוי לאפשר לה לשלם את דמי החברות. גם בשנה שעברה אישרנו סכום זה לאותה מטרה”.

הוא לא היה היחיד במשרד שהחזיק בדעה זו. ב–1971 כתב יועץ שר החוץ בנושא האו”ם מרדכי קדרון, לעמיתו יועץ השר הממונה על ההסברה שמואל דיבון: “עד כה כידוע לא מצאנו כלים מתאימים לבניית תדמית חיובית של ישראל כלפי חוץ בכל הנוגע לזכויות האדם בישראל ובשטחים המוחזקים, ודווקא בנושא זה לא ניתן להסתפק בכלים ממשלתיים. הקמת גוף לא־ממשלתי… תביא לנו תועלת רבה”.

דינשטיין, שבתחילת 1974 נבחר לעמוד בראש הסניף הישראלי של אמנסטי, אכן הביא תועלת. לפי אחד המסמכים בישיבה שבה נבחר לתפקיד נכח גם איש משרד החוץ סיני רום, עמו עמד דינשטיין בקשר לאורך כהונתו. במאי 1974 עידכן דינשטיין את רום על פעולותיו מאז נכנס לתפקידו, ביקש מימון להוצאות וצירף מסמך פנימי של אמנסטי, המפרט את הכנסותיו מסניפים בחו”ל.

לפי המסמכים ראה דינשטיין עצמו כחלק ממערך ההסברה של ישראל. כך למשל, הוא העביר דרך משרד החוץ מאמר שכתב בתגובה למאמר ביקורתי על ישראל, שפירסמה עורכת הדין ופעילת זכויות האדם פליציה לנגר ביוני 19744. במאמר הוא הציג עצמו כיו”ר אמנסטי ישראל ולא הזכיר את קשריו במשרד החוץ. 

דינשטיין גם דיווח לרום כי באמנסטי התקבל מכתב מארגון נשים ערביות מארצות הברית, שביקשו מידע על עצורים ואסירים ערבים. הוא צירף את מכתבן, שבו ביקשו גם מידע על הסניף הישראלי של אמנסטי. דינשטיין נטה להתעלם מהפנייה, אך ביקש ייעוץ. רום סבר כי יש להשיב להן ולכתוב כי “אין בבתי הסוהר אסירי מצפון פלשתינאים אלא מחבלים ואחרים שנשפטו על עבירות ביטחוניות”. הוא גם ביקש שההתכתבות כולה תועבר לקונסוליות בניו יורק ולוס אנג’לס. 

במאי 1975 ביקש דינשטיין מימון לנסיעה לכנס אמנסטי בשווייץ. משרד החוץ מימן בנדיבות: 6,0000 לירות לכרטיס טיסה והוצאות. לאחר הכנס, שהתקיים בספטמבר, דיווח דינשטיין למשרד ואף היתה לו הצעה: להפיץ בנציגויות של ישראל בעולם את תשובת משרד החוץ לאמנסטי בעניין שבויי מלחמת יום הכיפורים. דינשטיין כתב כי הנטיות הפוליטיות של אמנסטיהן בדרך כלל שמאליות אך אין לומר שזהו ארגון שמאלי קיצוני. רום הודה על הדיווח והוסיף כי המשרד קיבל את הצעתו של דינשטיין.סיכומו של דינשטיין לכנס אמנסטי – דלגסיכומו של דינשטיין לכנס אמנסטי 

אלה היו זמנים שונים

בשיחה עמו בשבוע שעבר, אמר דינשטיין כי פרש מהארגון מפני שנוכח לדעת “שזה ארגון פופוליסטי, שרחוק מאוד מכל מה שאני מאמין בו, שזה מחקר וידע”. לדבריו, “היום אמנסטי אינטרנשיונל מתעסק בתחום שהוא לא מבין בו כלום — משפט הומניטרי בינלאומי”. דינשטיין הכחיש כי עמד בקשר שוטף עם משרד החוץ בזמן שניהל את הסניף, וקיבל ממנו למימון. לדבריו, באותן שנים הוא גייס את הכספים ממקורותיו: “לא היה צריך תקציב מי יודע מה, העסקנו אז עובד במשרה חלקית”.

מה היתה המעורבות של משרד החוץ?

“לא היתה מעורבות”, אומר דינשטיין, “למשרד החוץ לא היה עניין”.

מי זה סיני רום?

“הוא היה מנהל מחלקה במשרד החוץ. היכרתי אותו, אבל לא היה לו קשר אתי בנושא הזה”.

המסמכים שבידי מעידים אחרת.

“אני לא יודע על כלום”, השיב דינשטיין, “לא זוכר”, אמר, ובסופו של דבר בחר לנתק את השיחה.

הדיפלומט והשגריר אבי פרימור שכיהן באותן שנים במשרד החוץ, מכיר אישית את דינשטיין ולדבריו, הוא “פטריוט במובן של ׳מה שהמדינה שלי עושה — היא צודקת׳. פטריוט אבסולוטי. אני השתחררתי מזה בגיל מסוים, הוא פחות”.

על התנהלות משרד החוץ מול ארגונים בינלאומיים באותן שנים אומר פרימור כי “המטרה שלנו היתה להשפיע, לא ללחום בהם, לא להשמיץ ולא לאסור כניסה לארץ כמו שעושים היום. המטרה היתה להתווכח, לשכנע. אני לא עסקתי בזה אבל אני מניח שלשכנע ולהשפיע בכל דרך אפשרית זה כולל גם כסף”.קובץ מסמכים נוסף – דלגלקריאת המסמכים הנוספים על מסך מלא – לחצו כאן

לדברי פרימור, היו אז אווירה שונה ומושגים שונים: “ארגונים כמו ׳שוברים שתיקה׳ או ׳בצלם׳ — לא היו אז דברים כאלה. היו אנשים בודדים, אינדיווידואלים, והם נתפסו כתמהונים. בשנים הראשונות ראו את הכיבוש כזמני, איש לא חשב שזה יימשך 50 שנה. זה דבר שאי אפשר היה להעלות על הדעת”.

פרופ’ אדי קאופמן, לימים יו”ר הנהלת בצלם, פעל בשנות ה–70 באמנסטי לצד דינשטיין. בשיחה השבוע הוא אמר ש”זה היה מועדון של משפטנים ועורכי דין” וסיפר שהסתכסך עם דינשטיין מפני שהאחרון “ראה את עצמו ככלב השמירה של מדינת ישראל”. אבל גם קאופמן מוזכר במסמכי משרד החוץ כמי שעמד עמם בקשר. כך למשל, מודה רום לקאופמן על דיווח למשרד על ועידת אמנסטי בנושא עינויים, שהתקיימה בשלהי 1973. היו אלו הימים שאחרי מלחמת יום הכיפורים וקאופמן כתב כי היעד המרכז של המשלחת הישראלית היה שחרור השבויים הישראלים בסוריה. הוא צירף העתק של מכתב ששלח לאחר הוועידה למזכיר אמנסטי.

השבוע אישר קאופמן את הדברים וביקש להכניסם להקשר הנכון: “לא היתה תחושה שהיו בעיות חמורות של זכויות אדם. אנחנו מדברים על התקופה של ‘כיבוש נאור’ ואני הרגשתי אז די טוב עם מצב זכויות האדם בישראל ובשטחים”. משרד החוץ, הוא אומר, ביקשו בעיקר מידע על המתרחש באמנסטי: “אני לא זוכר שקיבלתי תדריך לעשות משהו או להילחם נגד מישהו”.

דינשטיין התפטר על רקע הסכסוך עם קאופמן. ניצה שפירא־ליבאי, שהחליפה אותו וכיהנה בתפקיד עד אמצע שנות ה–80, אומרת כי בתקופתה קיבל הסניף הישראלי תקציב רק מאמנסטי העולמי, לא ממשרד החוץ. “אני חושבת שהיה אינטרס שישראל תהיה באמנסטי כי זה ארגון זכויות אדם חשוב”, היא אומרת. היא לא ידעה שדינשטיין מדווח למשרד החוץ, היא אומרת ומוסיפה: “אני מניחה שהוא לא ראה בזה ניגוד עניינים”.

מנכ”ל מכון “עקבות” ליאור יבנה, שאיתר את המסמכים, אמר ל”הארץ” כי “הניצול המניפולטיבי של ארגוני החברה האזרחית בשנים 1969–19766 כדי לקדם את ההסברה הישראלית ולהדוף ממצאים וטענות על פגיעה בזכויות אדם בשטחים, מזכיר את פעילותם בשנים האחרונות של ארגונים והתארגנויות שכביכול הם חלק מהחברה האזרחית, אך מקורות המימון שלהם לוטים בערפל, והם פועלים לפגוע בלגיטימציה של ארגוני זכויות האדם שמבקרים את מדיניות הממשלה. היום כאז, המתקפה הזו חותרת תחת עצם קיומה של חברה אזרחית חופשית”.

סניף אמנסטי הישראלי הפועל מתל אביב, ממומן כעת כולו על ידי אמנסטי העולמי. הארגון לא מקבל כספים מגופים ממשלתיים ואשתקד אף נעשה בכנסת ניסיון לשלול את הטבת המס שמקבלים התורמים לו.

מאמנסטי ישראל נמסר כי “מהמסמכים עולה שממשלת ישראל מעולם לא בחלה באמצעים להתחמקות ממתן דין וחשבון על הפרות זכויות אדם, וכי עולה מהם גם שבעבר ההתנהלות בסניף הפרה באופן בוטה את כלליה של תנועת אמנסטי”.

עוד נמסר כי בניגוד לעבר, הסניף הישראלי הנוכחי הוא חלק בלתי נפרד מתנועת אמנסטי העולמית, ומנהל מאבקים נגד הפרות זכויות אדם שמבצעת ממשלת ישראל בשטחים הפלסטינים הכבושים, נגד הפרות זכויות האדם של פלסטינים בתוך ישראל, ולמען זכויותיהם של הפליטים ומבקשי מקלט בישראל, וכן לוקח חלק במערכותיה הבינלאומיות של התנועה. למען הסר ספק, בהתאם למדיניותה של תנועת אמנסטי, הסניף הישראלי אינו מקבל מימון כלשהו מממשלות, לרבות מממשלת ישראל”.

מאמנסטי העולמי נמסר כי “המסמכים מציגים האשמות חמורות נגד מי שעמד באותן שנים בראש הסניף הישראלי שלנו, והתנהל בצורה הסותרת בבוטות את עקרונות אמנסטי אינטרנשיונל. עצמאות ואובייקטיביות היו חלק מערכי היסוד של אמנסטי מאז הוקם. זו הסיבה בגינה המדיניות שלנו, החל מ-1975, אוסרת בקשת או קבלת תרומות מגופים מדינתיים. באותה תקופה כללי אמנסטי אסרו על סניפים מקומיים לעסוק בהפרות זכויות אדם במדינותיהם. לפיכך, העבודה שלנו בנושא ישראל נקבעה על ידי המזכירות העולמית של הארגון. לאורך התקופה הדגיש הארגון הפרות של זכויות אדם בישראל, וקרא להפסיק את הנוהל של מעצרים מינהליים. בתקופה המדוברת אמנסטי היה עדיין בחיתוליו, עם התפתחותינו לארגון הגלובלי שאנו כיום, המשכנו לפתח נהלים ועקרונות פעולה כדי להבטיח אובייקטיביות ומתן דין וחשבון קפדניים”.

============================================================

———- Forwarded message ———
From: noam budget <noam.budget@gmail.com>
Date: Thu, May 18, 2017 at 5:43 PM
‪Subject: [Academia-IL] “הרצוי, המצוי והחסוי” – הזמנה למפגש בנושא גישה לתיעוד שבארכיונים הממשלתיים בישראל‬
To: <academia-il@listserver.huji.ac.il>

שלום לשותפות ולשותפים לרשימה,
מרבית משתמשי/ות הארכיונים הממשלתיים אינם מכירים את החוק, התקנות והפסיקה שנוגעים לאפשרויות הגישה לחומר הארכיוני, ולא נעזרים בהם בכדי לעמוד על זכויותיהם במקרים המתאימים. ביום רביעי הקרוב נקיים את הראשונה בסדרה של פגישות חודשיות בנושא הגישה לחומרים המוחזקים בארכיונים הממשלתיים. נציץ בחוק הארכיונים ובתקנות העיון ונדון בדרכים להתמודד עם החלטות שמונעות גישה לחומרים ארכיונים נחוצים. בין השאר, נברר:
– מה אומר החוק על הזכות לקבל גישה לחומרים המוחזקים בארכיונים הממשלתיים?- כיצד להתמודד עם תשובות לקוניות הקובעות כי חומר ארכיוני מבוקש הוא “חסוי”? – איך לערער על החלטות למנוע גישה לחומר ארכיוני?
מתי: המפגש יערך ביום רביעי, 24 במאי 2017. נתכנס ב-18:15 ונתחיל ב-18:30. איפה: קרן רוזה לוקסמבורג, שד’ רוטשילד 11 (קומה 2), תל אביב-יפו.
הכניסה חופשית אך מספר המקומות מוגבל. אנא הירשמו בטופס זה: https://goo.gl/forms/UFUsGUBw9jirVdHj1
להתראות,
מכון עקבות
============================================

———- Forwarded message ———
From: noam budget <noam.budget@gmail.com>
Date: Mon, Jul 3, 2017 at 10:52 PM
‪Subject: [Academia-IL] 18 ביולי: מפגש עם גנז המדינה בנושא גישת הציבור לחומרים המוחזקים בארכיונים הממשלתיים‬
To: <academia-il@listserver.huji.ac.il>

שלום לעורכי/ות הרשימה!

אני מבקש לשלוח את ההזמנה הפתוחה הזו לרשימה,
מקווה שתאשרו את ההודעה,
תודה רבה,
ד”ר נעם הופשטטר
חוקר,
עקבות – המכון לחקר הסכסוך הישראלי-פלסטיני

הזמנה

במסגרת סדרת הפגישות שעורך מכון ‘עקבות’ בנושא גישת הציבור אל החומרים המוחזקים בארכיונים הממשלתיים, נפגש ביום ג’, 18 ביולי, עם גנז המדינה, ד”ר יעקב לזוביק. נדון בבעיות בהן עסקנו בפגישותינו הקודמות וגם באחרות: החלטות חיסוי ונהלי חשיפה, מיעוט החומר הגלוי, העדר קטלוגים, עצירת העיון בתיקי הנייר וכל בעיה אחרת שתרצו לדון בה עם הגנז.

מועד: יום ג’, 18 ביולי, בשעה 18:15. נתארח במשרדי קרן רוזה לוקסמבורג, שד’ רוטשילד 11 (קומה שניה) תל אביב-יפו.

הכניסה חופשית אולם מספר המקומות מוגבל. להבטחת מקומכם נא להרשם בטופס שבקישור זה:
https://goo.gl/forms/2P5x2jLCqss8etou1

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Associates of the Iranian Regime Target Prof. Jeffrey Ullman the 2020 Turing Award Winner for his Pro-Israel Views

08.06.21

Editorial Note

Jeffrey David Ullman, an emeritus professor at Stanford University, the co-recipient of the 2020 Turing Award, has been harassed by Iranian activists for holding pro-Israel views.

The A.M. Turing Award by the Association of Computer Machinery (ACM) is the equivalent of the “Nobel Prize” of computing. It recognizes the profound impact on computer science and awards a $1 million prize annually. For the year 2020, ACM awarded Stanford University’s Jeffrey David Ullman, shared with his long-time collaborator Alfred Vaino Aho of Columbia University.  The award recognizes their seminal work in compilers and algorithms for their nine co-authored textbooks dating back to the early 1970s, including 1974 The Design and Analysis of Computer Algorithms, and 1977 Principles of Compiler Design. These books became required reading for millions of computer scientists, and the catalog of standard techniques “divide and conquer” became the core of computer science theory. ACM has announced the selection of Ullman and Aho in late March.

Ullman, who is supportive of Israel and Zionism, has been harassed for his views during two dacades.  In October 2001, Ullman published on his webpage polemics section “Some Thoughts on the Bombings of Sept. 11.”  He stated that Islamic fundamentalists had used spectacular terror to confront the West. In 2002 he urged the Palestinians to forsake terror and “build better lives for themselves and a better relationship with their Israeli neighbors.” He noted that Israel, a country with about 1.5% of the US population, then suffered from severe terrorist attacks every 3 months; “Somehow the world largely failed to notice or care.” 

Following these and other postings, Ullman started receiving many malicious emails.  One comment stated: “if any one believes in what you said, I will call him the most arrogant idiot ignorant Zionist extremist, and racist I have ever seen.” Another declared: “You are a Zionist pig, and how dare you say all those nasty things about Yasser Arafat et al.”

Ullman has been targeted by Iranian students who sent him emails requesting his help in admission to Stanford University, some asking him political questions such as, “Why did the US shoot down an Iranian airliner/take land from Native Americans/Depose Mossadegh, etc. etc.?”, or “How do I justify ‘Zionist crimes’, etc.?”

In 2011, the President of Stanford University was asked to censure Ullman for “racially discriminatory and inflammatory” comments because Ullman responded to an email from a student at Sharif University in Tehran who asked him about admission to Stanford University, that he could not help the student gain admission since he has no involvement in the admissions process. Ullman also wrote that “If Iranians want the benefits of Stanford and other institutions in the U.S., they have to respect the values we hold in the U.S., including freedom of religion and respect for human rights.” As a result, he was accused of “bigotry and xenophobia.”

Not coincidently, Ullman has a long connection to Israel. He wrote that he lived in Jerusalem in 1984. Also, he has been working with Israeli universities for many years. In 2006, the Chair in Computer Sciences at Ben Gurion University 

announced on his webpage that “Professor Jeffrey (Stanford University, CA) and Holly Ullman, in consultation with Professor Shlomi Dolev (BGU), recently established the Martha and Solomon Scharf Prize for Developing Excellence in Computer, Communications and Information Sciences, supporting excellent students. In addition, they will support research activity in the computer science disciplines.”

Likewise, The Hebrew University Rachel and Selim Benin School of Computer Science and Engineering reported that “Prof. Ullman is also a generous benefactor to our department, and his help is instrumental in providing student stipends, and supporting the Data and Computing Center.”

In 2016, the Ben Gurion University Board of Governors awarded Ullman an Honorary Doctorate for his achievements and held a seminar in honor of Ullman.

Ullman has also been fighting against anti-Semitism. Last month he signed a petition, “Opposing Antisemitism, Supporting IHRA,” organized by the Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy (ISGAP), which recently circulated a letter supporting the Working Definition of Antisemitism from the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA). The letter garnered more than 300 signatures from leading scholars, intellectuals, and professionals.  

His Iranian detractors went into high gear after the ACM made the 2020 Turing Award public.  A recent petition organized by Iranians was published online, collecting international signatures, accusing “Ullman’s Repeated Discrimination against Iranian Students,” and charging that Ullman’s webpage “contains discriminatory and inflammatory statements regarding Iranians.” 

ACM has read the complaint and responded that it will not change the selection: “As part of the Awards process, ACM routinely checks whether we have received any complaints about award nominees with respect to ACM’s Code of Ethics or other policies. In this case, we determined that no complaints had ever been filed against Jeffrey Ullman. ACM also relied on the submitted nomination package and carefully evaluated the letters provided by the nominator and the endorsers to assess the candidate’s worthiness for an award. No red flags were raised in the nomination package.”

Not satisfied with ACM response, a recent article by Mahdi Cheraghchi, an Assistant Professor of Computer Science and Engineering at the University of Michigan Ann Arbor, published on the pages of Stanford Daily, accused Ullman of “rants of hate and bigotry against Iranians.” He requested the ACM, to “ensure that a clear precedent is set today by ACM that would not give a free pass to any future abusers of academic freedom,” and that “ACM needs to do better and bring back trust and hope to the community.”

Much of the agitation against Ullman was organized by the National Iranian American Council (NIAC), known as a front for the Iranian regime’s propaganda work in America.  Dr. Fredun Hojabri, the former vice-chancellor of the Sharif University of Technology in Iran, wrote Stanford University in 2011 to complain about Ullman.  For decades now, Sharif University has carried many projects for the Revolutionary Guards, including its nuclear weapons program. 

The Iranian involvement in anti-Israel activity on American campuses is worrying.  With its long-lasting support of Palestinian causes, the regime sends people to harass those who support the Jewish state. 

https://awards.acm.org/about/2020-turing

ACM Turing Award Honors Innovators Who Shaped the Foundations of Programming Language Compilers and Algorithms

Columbia’s Aho and Stanford’s Ullman Developed Tools and Fundamental Textbooks Used by Millions of Software Programmers around the World

ACM named Alfred Vaino Aho and Jeffrey David Ullman recipients of the 2020 ACM A.M. Turing Award for fundamental algorithms and theory underlying programming language implementation and for synthesizing these results and those of others in their highly influential books, which educated generations of computer scientists. Aho is the Lawrence Gussman Professor Emeritus of Computer Science at Columbia University. Ullman is the Stanford W. Ascherman Professor Emeritus of Computer Science at Stanford University.

Computer software powers almost every piece of technology with which we interact. Virtually every program running our world—from those on our phones or in our cars to programs running on giant server farms inside big web companies—is written by humans in a higher-level programming language and then compiled into lower-level code for execution. Much of the technology for doing this translation for modern programming languages owes its beginnings to Aho and Ullman.

Beginning with their collaboration at Bell Labs in 1967 and continuing for several decades, Aho and Ullman have shaped the foundations of programming language theory and implementation, as well as algorithm design and analysis. They made broad and fundamental contributions to the field of programming language compilers through their technical contributions and influential textbooks. Their early joint work in algorithm design and analysis techniques contributed crucial approaches to the theoretical core of computer science that emerged during this period.

“The practice of computer programming and the development of increasingly advanced software systems underpin almost all of the technological transformations we have experienced in society over the last five decades,” explains ACM President Gabriele Kotsis. “While countless researchers and practitioners have contributed to these technologies, the work of Aho and Ullman has been especially influential. They have helped us to understand the theoretical foundations of algorithms and to chart the course for research and practice in compilers and programming language design. Aho and Ullman have been thought leaders since the early 1970s, and their work has guided generations of programmers and researchers up to the present day.”

“Aho and Ullman established bedrock ideas about algorithms, formal languages, compilers and databases, which were instrumental in the development of today’s programming and software landscape,” added Jeff Dean, Google Senior Fellow and SVP, Google AI. “They have also illustrated how these various disciplines are closely interconnected. Aho and Ullman introduced key technical concepts, including specific algorithms, that have been essential. In terms of computer science education, their textbooks have been the gold standard for training students, researchers, and practitioners.”

A Longstanding Collaboration

Aho and Ullman both earned their PhD degrees at Princeton University before joining Bell Labs, where they worked together from 1967 to 1969. During their time at Bell Labs, their early efforts included developing efficient algorithms for analyzing and translating programming languages.

In 1969, Ullman began a career in academia, ultimately joining the faculty at Stanford University, while Aho remained at Bell Labs for 30 years before joining the faculty at Columbia University. Despite working at different institutions, Aho and Ullman continued their collaboration for several decades, during which they co-authored books and papers and introduced novel techniques for algorithms, programming languages, compilers and software systems.

Influential Textbooks

Aho and Ullman co-authored nine influential books (including first and subsequent editions). Two of their most widely celebrated books include:

The Design and Analysis of Computer Algorithms (1974)
Co-authored by Aho, Ullman, and John Hopcroft, this book is considered a classic in the field and was one of the most cited books in computer science research for more than a decade. It became the standard textbook for algorithms courses throughout the world when computer science was still an emerging field. In addition to incorporating their own research contributions to algorithms, The Design and Analysis of Computer Algorithms introduced the random access machine (RAM) as the basic model for analyzing the time and space complexity of computer algorithms using recurrence relations. The RAM model also codified disparate individual algorithms into general design methods. The RAM model and general algorithm design techniques introduced in this book now form an integral part of the standard computer science curriculum.

Principles of Compiler Design (1977)
Co-authored by Aho and Ullman, this definitive book on compiler technology integrated formal language theory and syntax-directed translation techniques into the compiler design process. Often called the “Dragon Book” because of its cover design, it lucidly lays out the phases in translating a high-level programming language to machine code, modularizing the entire enterprise of compiler construction. It includes algorithmic contributions that the authors made to efficient techniques for lexical analysis, syntax analysis techniques, and code generation. The current edition of this book, Compilers: Principles, Techniques and Tools (co-authored with Ravi Sethi and Monica Lam), was published in 2007 and remains the standard textbook on compiler design.

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https://csforinclusion.wordpress.com

Statement on the Selection of Jeffrey Ullman for a Turing Award

Update: A copy of this letter listing 1,079 signatories (and 89 anonymous) was sent to the ACM administration on April 16, 2021, and ACM has acknowledged receipt. On April 19, 2021, ACM published a response to this letter.
We continue to accept new signatures.

An Open Letter to Committee of the ACM A.M. Turing Award and ACM:

Professor Jeffrey D. Ullman of Stanford University has been chosen to receive the 2020 ACM A. M. Turing Award, generally regarded as the highest distinction in computing.

While we agree that the technical and educational contributions of Professor Ullman could meet the bar for a “Nobel Prize of Computing”, we condemn the selection as one that directly goes against the Diversity and Inclusion (D & I) values that the Computer Science community, and the Association for Computing Machinery (ACM) in particular, aim to uphold. While we recognize Professor Ullman’s freedom of speech and freedom to hold and express his political views, we are concerned by his sustained discriminatory behavior against students and by ACM bestowing upon such a person an award named after Alan Turing, someone who suffered much discrimination in his tragic life [1].

ACM defines its mission as follows: “ACM is a global scientific and educational organization dedicated to advancing the art, science, engineering, and application of computing, serving both professional and public interests by fostering the open exchange of information and by promoting the highest professional and ethical standards.” Furthermore, ACM explicitly defines “Diversity and Inclusion” as one of its four core values [2].

We assert, based on documented evidence, that not only has Professor Ullman willfully violated the “highest professional and ethical standards” that ACM has the mission to uphold, but also that he has demonstrated a pattern of actively turning against the values of D & I for decades. History may judge this award as an indelible blot on the entire computing profession.

Ullman’s Repeated Discrimination against Iranian Students

Among the existing evidence is a web page maintained by Professor Ullman that contains discriminatory and inflammatory statements regarding Iranians [3]. According to the data on the Internet Archive [4], he maintained this web page from as early as 2006 until late 2020, when he removed it following years of public outcry and pushback [5]. In 2011, the National Iranian American Council issued a formal complaint to Stanford University centered on his webpage [6–12], with no action taken by Stanford, according to The Chronicle of Higher Education [9], and seemingly no impact on Professor Ullman’s views or behavior.

There are indeed numerous documented instances of him corresponding, over the years, many to aspiring young Iranian students, with anti-Iranian sentiments as well as explicit discrimination based on presumptions on their political views [3,6–12,13]. In one instance, among countless others, Professor Ullman responded to an email from an Iranian student who had inquired about admission at Stanford saying [6–12]: “And even if I were in a position to help, I will not help Iranian students until Iran recognizes and respects Israel as the land of the Jewish people. I know that you may not hold the same insane position as the mullahs that run your country, but it is a matter of principle. If Iranians want the benefits of Stanford and other institutions in the US, they have to respect the values we hold in the US, including freedom of religion and respect for human rights.”

As another example of his correspondence, in support of the University of Massachusetts’s soon-to-be-reverted decision to ban Iranian students from certain engineering programs, Professor Ullman wrote in 2015 [13]: “I think we need to distinguish between Americans of Iranian descent, who have chosen to cast their lot with the United States, and Iranians who did not leave Iran when the religious fanatics took over, and who may well be sympathetic to Iran’s desires to build a nuclear weapon and to Iran’s support for terrorists throughout the world. While I’m sure there are some students living in Iran, who would like nothing better than to leave that country for as long as it is run by Islamic fundamentalists, can we afford to take that risk of educating them and then having them turn that education against us? Especially, can we afford the risk given all the bright students from other countries that share US values who would love to be accepted to a US school?

Thus, Professor Ullman has explicitly advocated to distinguish between Iranians who left Iran before the 1979 revolution and those who did not. It is worthwhile to reflect that many of today’s key academic players of Iranian descent were once aspiring students in Iran. Perhaps the most prominent example is the late Maryam Mirzakhani, Professor of Mathematics at Stanford University and the only woman to ever win the Fields medal, who studied in Iran before pursuing graduate studies in the US. Professor Ullman is simply calling for a categorical ban against such talents. That said, we emphasize that people should not need to have exceptional talents or make significant academic contributions to be treated with dignity and respect.

Ullman’s Rationalization of Crimes Against Native Americans

Professor Ullman’s insensitive opinions extend beyond individuals of a specific national origin. For example, he rationalizes the taking away of land from Native Americans, which included several acts recognized by scholars as genocide against such populations [14], as “Technologically more advanced civilizations replace less advanced civilizations” [3].

Bigger Picture on the Implications of ACM’s Action and Silence

At a time when the tremendous costs of discriminatory and inhumane behavior against minority groups, such as African Americans and Asians, among others, is being broadly recognized in the computing community and beyond, ACM should not ignore such explicit and repeated xenophobic language and behavior by the person they are bestowing their highest award upon. Furthermore, discrimination against students based on their national origin and their presumed political views is in direct violation of the academic and D & I values that ACM aims to uphold as a core value. Generations to come may see this action by ACM and their silence on how this award negatively impacts D & I in computing as defiling the very respectability of the Turing Award and as an insult to the memory of Alan Turing himself.

We ask ACM, and particularly the ACM A.M. Turing Award Committee, the following:

  1. Report on the specifics surrounding this nomination, especially the extent of checks and balances that are in place to ensure that the process of awarding the highest distinction in computing is protected against violations of the ACM mission and its core values.
  2. Clarity from ACM on establishing compliance with its core values, particularly on D & I standards, as an explicit criterion for receiving this award. If not, transparently state that behaviors that directly damage inclusivity and diversity in the computing field are not relevant in the criteria listed by ACM for this award.

Signed by 1,304 (including 275 anonymous)

Last update: May 20, 2021.

Some Notable Statistics (according to the disclosed data, updated periodically):

  • 1 ACM Turing Award Laureate
  • 1 Abel Prize Laureate
  • 4 Nevanlinna Prize Laureates
  • 4 MacArthur Fellows
  • 21 ACM Fellows
  • 16 ACM Distinguished Members
  • 23 ACM Senior Members
  • 479 ACM Members (including Student/Professional)

To add your name to the list of signatories below, please follow these instructions:

  1. Either submit this Google Form (https://b.link/csforinclusion-sign) or email your name and affiliation, and optionally job title and role, as well as your ACM membership level (if any), from your institutional email address, to: dei.matters.acm@gmail.com.
  2. An institutional email address is requested to ensure the authenticity of signatures. If you do not have one, or otherwise cannot use your institutional email address, please add a comment to justify the use of personal email address.
  3. An option for anonymous signatures is provided. By default, we encourage non-anonymous signatures. However, you may choose to be anonymous in the public domain only, or both in the public domain and on the copy of the letter that will be sent to ACM. Identity information will still be gathered to ensure the authenticity of the signatures. Your anonymity will be fully protected, and if you have any special requests for anonymity, please leave a comment.
  4. Please also send any enquiries or report any inaccuracies to the email address above, with the subject line “enquiry”.

Disclaimer: Signing the letter is a personal statement and does not necessarily reflect that of the employers of the signatories.

#CSForInclusion #HoldACMAccountable

References:

[1] https://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/24/world/europe/alan-turing-enigma-code-breaker-and-computer-pioneer-wins-royal-pardon.html
[2] https://www.acm.org/about-acm/mission-vision-values-goals
[3] https://web.archive.org/web/20200129080549/http://infolab.stanford.edu/~ullman/pub/iranian.html
[4] https://web.archive.org/web/2020*/http://infolab.stanford.edu/~ullman/pub/iranian.html
[5] https://twitter.com/2plus2make5/status/1377720193913356289
[6] https://web.archive.org/web/20110124051512/http://www.niacouncil.org/site/DocServer/Stanford_Discrimination_Letter.pdf
[7] https://web.archive.org/web/20140809043733/http://www.paaia.org/CMS/stanford-university-president-responds-directly-to-paaia-over-retired-professors-anti-iranian-remarks.aspx
[8] https://www.stanforddaily.com/2011/01/10/professor-comes-under-fire-for-alleged-anti-iranian-e-mail/
[9] https://www.chronicle.com/article/iranian-american-group-calls-on-stanford-to-censure-professor/
[10] https://web.archive.org/web/20140727205645/http://www.lobelog.com/niac-calls-out-anti-iranian-stanford-professor/
[11] https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Jeffrey_Ullman&oldid=1015653392
[12] http://b.link/ullman-email
[13] https://www.ics.uci.edu/~eppstein/gplus/20150212-VDYSkY69tGe.html
[14] https://www.nytimes.com/2019/06/19/us/newsom-native-american-apology.html

Current List of Signatories (alphabetical):

– Academia: Faculty / Staff / PostDoc:

  1. A. Aldo Faisal, Professor of AI & Neuroscience, Imperial College London
  2. A. Nicki Washington, Professor of the Practice, Duke University, Duke University
  3. Aaron Clauset, Professor of Computer Science, University of Colorado Boulder
  4. Aaron Gember-Jacobson, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, Colgate Unviersity
  5. Aaron Keen, Professor of Computer Science and Software Engineering, California Polytechnic State University
  6. Aaron Quigley, Professor of Computer Science, University of New South Wales
  7. Abigale Stangl, Accessibility Researcher, CI-Fellow, University of Washington, HCDE
  8. Abolfazl Asudeh, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, University of Illinois at Chicago
  9. Adam Blank, Assistant Teaching Professor, Caltech
  10. Adam Perer, Assistant Research Professor, Carnegie Mellon University
  11. Adrian Sampson, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, Cornell University
  12. Afshin Nikzad, Assistant Professor of Economics, University of Southern California
  13. Ahmad Lashkaripour, Assistant Professor, Indiana University
  14. Alastair Donaldson, Professor of Computer Science, ACM Senior Member, Imperial College London
  15. Aleksander Madry, Professor, MIT
  16. Alessandro Treves, Interested in neural computation, SISSA
  17. Alex Bredariol Grilo, Researcher, CNRS, LIP6, Sorbonne Université
  18. Alexandra Ion, Assistant Professor, Carnegie Mellon University
  19. Alexandra Papoutsaki, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, Pomona College
  20. Alexandra To, Assistant Professor of Art + Design and Computer Science, Northeastern University
  21. Ali Darvish, Lecturer of Computer Science, Johns Hopkins University
  22. Ali Diba, Researcher, KU Leuven
  23. Ali Jadbabaie, Professor of Engineering, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  24. Ali Khaledi Nasab, Neuroscientist, Stanford University
  25. Ali Tajer, Associate Professor of ECSE, Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute
  26. Alireza Khatami, Assistant Professor, Ryerson university
  27. Alireza Qaiumzadeh, Researcher, Deprtment of Physics, Norwegian University of Science and Technology
  28. Álvaro Cárdenas, Associate Professor of Computer Science and Engineering, University of California, Santa Cruz
  29. Amin Adibi, Disease Modeller, University of British Columbia
  30. Amin Gohari, Tehran Institute for Advanced Studies
  31. Amin Karbasi, Associate Professor, Yale University
  32. Amin Milani Fard, Assistant Professor, New York Institute of Technology – Vancouver
  33. Amin Saberi, Professor, Stanford University
  34. Amin Sayedi, Associate Professor, Associate Professor, University of Washington
  35. Amin Shokrollahi, Professor Emeritus of Computer Science and Mathematics, Ecole Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne (EPFL), Switzerland
  36. Amir Akbari, Assistant Professor, Ontario Tech University
  37. Amir H. Payberah, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, KTH Royal Institute of Technology
  38. Amir Kafshdar Goharshady, IST Austria
  39. Amir Kamil, Lecturer of Computer Science, University of Michigan
  40. Amir Nayyeri, Associate Professor, Oregon State University
  41. Amir Rahmati, Assistant Professor, Stony Brook University
  42. Amir Shaikhha, Lecturer, University of Edinburgh
  43. Amir-massoud Farahmand, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, University of Toronto
  44. Amirbehshad Shahrasbi, Computing Innovation Postdoctoral Fellow, Postdoctoral Fellow
  45. Amirmohammad Ziaei, Research Assistant, Aalto University
  46. Amy Csizmar Dalal, Professor of Computer Science, Carleton College
  47. Amy J. Ko, Professor, University of Washington
  48. Amy Pavel, Postdoctoral Fellow, Carnegie Mellon University
  49. Amy Zhang, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, University of Washington Allen School
  50. Andrea Forte, Assoc. Professor, Drexel University
  51. Andrea Thomer, Assistant Professor, University of Michigan School of Information
  52. Andres Marin Lopez, Associate Professor, Universidad Carlos III de Madrid
  53. Andrew Berry, Postdoctoral Fellow, University of Washington
  54. Andrew Miller, Assistant Professor, School of Informatics and Computing, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis
  55. Andrew Miller, Assistant professor, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
  56. Angelika Strohmayer, PhD, Northumbria University
  57. Anil Madhavapeddy, University Lecturer, University of Cambridge
  58. Anind K. Dey, Dean and Professor, Information School, University of Washington
  59. Anne Condon, Professor, University of British Columbia
  60. Annu Prabhakar, Associate Professor, University of Cincinnati
  61. Arash Khosravifar, Assistant Professor, Civil and Environmental Engineering, Portland State University
  62. Arash Massoudieh, Professor of Civil and Environmental Engineering, The Catholic University of America
  63. Arash Termehchy, Associate Professor, Oregon State University
  64. Arian Maleki, Associate Professor of Statistics, Columbia University
  65. Arman Noroozian, Post Doctoral Researcher, University of Amsterdam / Delft University of Technology
  66. Arun Kumar, Assistant Professor of CSE and HDSI, UC San Diego
  67. Arvind Satyanarayan, Assistant Professor, MIT CSAIL
  68. Arya Mazumdar, Associate Professor, University of California San Diego
  69. Ashia Wilson, Assistant Professor, Computer Science, MIT
  70. Ashkan Khakzar, Research Scientist / Lecturer, Technical University of Munich (TUM)
  71. Ashwin Machanavajjhala, Associate Professor of Computer Science, Duke University
  72. Atilla Elçi, Professor of Software Engineering, Hasan Kalyoncu University, Turkey
  73. Atri Rudra, Professor, University at Buffalo
  74. Audrey Girouard, Associate Professor, Carleton University
  75. Augusto Esteves, Professor of Computer Science, IST, ULisbon
  76. Austin Toombs, Assistant Professor of Computer Graphics Technology, Purdue University
  77. Avi Wigderson, Professor, Nevanlinna and Abel prize laureate, Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton
  78. Azadeh Yadollahi, Scientist, University Health Network
  79. Azalea Raad, Lecturer (Assistant Professor) in Computer Science, Imperial College London
  80. Babak Salimi, Assistant Professor, University of California San Diego
  81. Bahar Behzadnezhad, RF Engineer, UW-Madison
  82. Barna Saha, Associate Professor, University of California Berkeley
  83. Behrouz Touri, Dr., University of California San Diego
  84. Ben Glocler, Reader (eq. Associate Professor), Imperial College London
  85. Ben Green, Postdoctoral Scholar, University of Michigan
  86. Benedict R. Gaster, Associate Professor in Physical Computing, University of West of England
  87. Benjamin Gorman, Lecturer in Computer Science, Bournemouth University, UK
  88. Benjamin Pittman-Polletta, Research Assistant Professor, Boston University
  89. Beta Ziliani, Professor of computer science, FAMAF, Universidad nacional de Córdoba
  90. Bhaskar Krishnamachari, Professor of ECE, USC
  91. Birgit Penzenstadler, Associate Professor, Chalmers University of Technology
  92. Birna van Riemsdijk, Associate Professor Intimate Computing, University of Twente
  93. Blase Ur, Assistant Professor, University of Chicago
  94. Boaz Barak, Professor of Computer Science, Harvard University
  95. Bogdana Rakova, Guest Editor, Springer International Journal of Community Wellbeing, Guest Editor, Springer International Journal of Community Wellbeing
  96. Brett Stalbaum, Teaching Professor of Visual Arts, University of California, San Diego
  97. Brian Brubach, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, Wellesley College
  98. Briana B. Morrison, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, University of Nebraska Omaha
  99. Briane Paul Samson, Assistant Professor, De La Salle University
  100. Brianna Posadas, Postdoc, Virginia Tech
  101. Bruce Kapron, Professor of Computer Science, University of Victoria
  102. Bruce Weide, Professor Emeritus, Computer Science and Engineering, The Ohio State University
  103. Bruno Grenet, Associate Professor of Computer Science, Université de Montpellier
  104. Camille Cobb, Carnegie Mellon University
  105. Carlos Gustavo Lopez Pombo, Professor of Computer Science, Department of Computing, School of Science, Universidad de Buenos Aires
  106. Carlos Scheidegger, Associate Professor of Computer Science, University of Arizona
  107. Casey Fiesler, Assistant Professor, University of Colorado Boulder
  108. Catherine Cronquist Browning, Assistant Dean, Academic Programs, Equity & Inclusion, University of California, Berkeley, School of Information
  109. Catherine D’Ignazio, Assistant Professor of Urban Science & Planning, MIT
  110. Cécilia Lancien, Researcher in Mathematics, Institut de Mathématiques de Toulouse & CNRS
  111. Celine Latulipe, Professor of Computer Science, University of Manitoba
  112. Ceren Budak, Assistant Professor, University of Michigan
  113. Charles Sutton, University of Edinburgh
  114. Charlotte Lee, Associate Professor, University of Washington
  115. Christian Kaestner, Associate Professor, Carnegie Mellon University
  116. Christina Chung, Assistant Professor, Indiana University
  117. Christine Alvarado, Teaching Professor, University of California, San Diego
  118. Christoph Becker, Associate Professor, University of Toronto
  119. Christopher Stewart, Associate Professor and Chair of Diversity and Inclusion Committee, Computer Science and Engineering, The Ohio State University
  120. Claudio Gutierrez, Professor, Computer Science Department, Universidad de Chile
  121. Cliff Lampe, Professor, University of Michigan
  122. Colin M. Gray, Assistant Professor, Purdue University
  123. Colin S. Gordon, Assistant Professor, Drexel University
  124. Conor Thomas McBride, Reader, University of Strathclyde
  125. Constantinos Daskalakis, Nevanlinna Prize, Professor of Computer Science, MIT
  126. Cristopher Moore, Professor, Santa Fe Institute
  127. D. Paul Ralph, Professor, Dalhousie University
  128. Dan Garcia, Teaching Professor, Teaching Professor
  129. Danica Sutherland, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, University of British Columbia
  130. Daniel A. Spielman, MacArthur Fellow, Nevanlinna Prize, Sterling Professor of Computer Science, Yale University
  131. Daniel D. Sleator, Professor of Computer Science, Carnegie Mellon University
  132. Daniel Epstein, Assistant Professor, University of California, Irvine
  133. Daniel Freund, Assistant Professor, MIT
  134. Daniel Hsu, Associate Professor of Computer Science, Columbia University
  135. Daniel Kane, University of California, San Diego
  136. Daniel M. Romero, Associate Professor, University of Michigan
  137. Daniel Zappala, Professor of Computer Science, Brigham Young University
  138. Dante R Chialvo, Head & Professor of Medical Physics, American Physical Society Fellow, U.S. Fulbright Scholar, Universidad Nacional de San Martin (Argentina)
  139. Danupon Nanongkai, University of Copenhagen
  140. David Ham, Reader in Computational Mathematics, Imperial College London
  141. David IW Levin, Assistant Professor, University of Toronto
  142. David Jorjani, Sessional Lecturer, University of Toronto
  143. David Lindlbauer, Assistant Professor, Carnegie Mellon University
  144. David Miller, Postdoctoral Scholar, University of Central Florida
  145. David Mohaisen, Associate Professor of Computer Science, University of Central Florida
  146. Davood Rafiei, Professor of Computer Science, University of Alberta
  147. Delaram Yazdansepas, Assistant Professor, Loyola Marymount University
  148. Djamé Seddah, Maitre de conférence en informatique
  149. Djordje Jevdjic, Assistant Professor, National University of Singapore
  150. Douglas Urner, Teacher, Software Developer, South Kitsap School District
  151. Dr. Lee Nelson, Professor of Nursing, Riverside City College
  152. Drew Paine, Research Scientist, Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory
  153. Earlence Fernandes, Professor of Computer Science, University of Wisconsin-Madison
  154. Ebrahim Bagheri, Associate Professor, Ryerson University
  155. Eduardo Cotilla-Sanchez, Associate Professor of Electrical and Computer Engineering, Oregon State University
  156. Eiad Yafi, Assistant Professor, Universiti Kuala Lumpur
  157. Eleftherios Kokoris Kogias, Assistant Professor, IST Austria & Facebook
  158. Elham Mousavidin, Associate Professor of Management and Marketing, University of St. Thomas
  159. Elias Castegren, Postdoctoral Associate, KTH Royal Institute of Technology
  160. Elijah Joseph Weber-Han, Researcher, Cornell University
  161. Elizabeth Patitsas, Assistant professor, McGill University
  162. Emiliano De Cristofaro, Professor, University College London & Alan Turing Institute
  163. Emily Philippsen, Assistant Professor, Riverside City College
  164. Emma Pierson, Senior Researcher, Microsoft Research
  165. Emma Tosch, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, University of Vermont
  166. Eric Gilbert, John Derby Evans Associate Professor, School of Information, University of Michigan
  167. Eric Paulos, Professor, Electrical Engineering and Computer Sciences, UC Berkeley
  168. Eric Walkingshaw, Assistant Professor, Oregon State University
  169. Erin Brady, Assistant Professor of Human Centered Computing, Indiana University
  170. Eureka Foong, Postdoctoral Fellow, University of Tokyo
  171. Eva Hornecker, Professor of HCI, ACM Senior Member, Bauhaus-Universität Weimar
  172. Evan Anderson, Research Coordinator, Northwestern University
  173. Evan M Peck, Associate Professor of Computer Science, Bucknell University
  174. Evangelos Milios, Professor, Dalhousie University
  175. Eytan Adar, Associate Professor, University of Michigan
  176. Fang Song, Assistant Professor, Portland State University
  177. Farnoush Banaei-Kashani, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, University of Colorado Denver
  178. Farshad Ghanei, Assistant Professor of Teaching, University at Buffalo
  179. Fatemeh Navidi, Principal Researcher, University of Chicago
  180. Fernando Pérez, Associate Professor in Statistics. Recipient of the 2017 ACM Software System Award (Project Jupyter), UC Berkeley
  181. Florian Echtler, Associate professor of computer science, Aalborg University
  182. Foaad Khosmood, Associate Professor of Computer Science, California Polytechnic State University
  183. Fredo Durand, Amar Bose Professor of Computing., MIT
  184. Garreth Tigwell, Assistant Professor, Rochester Institute of Technology
  185. Genoveva Vargas-Solar, Principal Scientist, Databases, CNRS, LIRIS, France
  186. Geoff Kuenning, Professor of Computer Science, Harvey Mudd College
  187. Gian Maria Campedelli, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, University of Trento, Italy
  188. Gillian Smith, Associate Professor, Computer Science, Worcester Polytechnic Institute
  189. Glencora Borradaile, Oregon State University
  190. Greg Durrett, Assistant Professor, The University of Texas at Austin
  191. Gregory D. Hager, Mandell Bellmore Professor of Computer Science, Johns Hopkins University
  192. Gregory Gay, Assistant Professor, Chalmers and the University of Gothenburg
  193. Guido Wirtz, Full Professor of Computer Science, University of Bamberg
  194. Hadi Hemmati, Associate Professor, University of Calgary, Alberta, Canada
  195. Hamed Haddadi, Imperial College London
  196. Hamed Hatami, Professor of Computer Science, McGill University
  197. Hamed Niknam, Post-doctoral Researcher, McGill University
  198. Hamed Zamani, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, University of Massachusetts Amherst
  199. Hamid Eghbalzadeh, Postdoc, Johannes Kepler University, Austria
  200. Hamid R. Arabnia, Professor Emeritus of Computer Science, University of Georgia
  201. Harley Eades, Associate Professor, Augusta University
  202. Harry Hochheiser, Associate Professor, University of Pittsburgh
  203. Hasti Seifi, Assistant Professorin Computer Science, University of Copenhagen
  204. Hazhir Rahmandad, Associate professor of system dynamics, Massachusetts institute of technology
  205. Helen, Professor Emerita of Human Computer Interaction, Department of Computer Science, University of York
  206. Henry Yuen, Assistant Professor, Columbia University
  207. Hernan Ponce de Leon, Postdoctoral Researcher, Universität der Bundeswehr München
  208. Hessam Mahdavifar, Assistant Professor, University of Michigan
  209. Hessameddin Akhlaghpour, Postdoctoral Fellow, The Rockefeller University
  210. Himan Abdollahpouri, Postdoctoral Fellow, Northwestern University
  211. Holly Rushmeier, Professor, Yale University
  212. Hossein Hojjat, Assistant Professor, TeIAS
  213. Houssam Abbas, Assistant Professor, Oregon State University
  214. Hung Le, Assistant Professor Computer Science, UMass Amherst
  215. Ilya Sergey, Associate Professor, Yale-NUS College and National University of Singapore
  216. Irene Veronica Pasquetto, Assistant Professor, University of Michigan
  217. J Khadijah Abdurahman, Director of We Be Imagining, We Be Imagining, Columbia University
  218. Jafar Haadi Haadi Jafarian, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, University of Colorado Denver
  219. Jalal Kazempour, Associate Professor, Technical University of Denmark
  220. James A. Landay, Professor of Computer Science, ACM Fellow, Member of ACM SIGCHI Academy, Stanford University
  221. James Fogarty, Professor of Computer Science & Engineering, University of Washington
  222. James R. Wallace, Associate Professor, University of Waterloo
  223. Jamileh, Assistant Professor, Cape Breton University
  224. Jan Van den Bergh, Hasselt University
  225. Jan Vondrak, Associate Professor of Mathematics, Stanford University
  226. Jana Giceva, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, TU Munich
  227. Janet Davis, Associate Professor and Microsoft Chair of Computer Science, Whitman College
  228. Jason Hartline, Professor of Computer Science, Northwestern U
  229. Jason Lewis, University Research Chair for Computational Media and the Indigenous Future Imaginary, Concordia University
  230. Jason Yip, Assistant professor, University of Washington
  231. Jean Hardy, Assistant Professor of Media & Information, Michigan State University
  232. Jeanna Neefe Matthews, Professor of Computer Science, current ACM Council member (https://www.acm.org/about-acm/acm-council), Clarkson University
  233. Jeehoon Kang, Assistant Professor, KAIST
  234. Jeffrey Bigham, Associate Professor, Carnegie Mellon University
  235. Jeffrey Heer, Professor of Computer Science & Engineering, University of Washington, Seattle
  236. Jelani Nelson, Professor, Department of EECS, UC Berkeley
  237. Jelena Golubovic, Simon Fraser University
  238. Jennifer Jacobs, Assistant Professor of Media Arts and Technology and Computer Science, University of California Santa Barbara
  239. Jennifer Mankoff, Richard E. Ladner Professor, CHI Academy, Paul G. Allen School of Computer Science and Engineering
  240. Jeroen Zuiddam, Simons Junior Fellow, New York University
  241. Jesse Thomason, University of Southern California
  242. Jessica Hammer, Assistant Professor, Carnegie Mellon University
  243. Jia-Bin Huang, Assistant Professor, Virginia Tech
  244. Jie Qi, Project assistant professor, Berkman Klein Center at Harvard Law School, University of Tokyo
  245. Jim Dowling, Associate Professor, KTH – Royal Institute of Technology
  246. Joanne M. Atlee, Professor, University of Waterloo
  247. Jodi Julian, Professor
  248. Joel Sommers, Professor, Colgate University
  249. John Regehr, professor, University of Utah, USA
  250. John S. Seberger, Postdoctoral Fellow, Indiana University
  251. John Sarracino, Postdoctoral Associate, Cornell University
  252. John Wickerson, Lecturer, Imperial College London
  253. Jon E. Froehlich, Associate Professor, Allen School, University of Washington
  254. Jonathan Aldrich, Professor of Computer Science, Carnegie Mellon University
  255. Jonathan Crowcroft, Professor, University of Cambridge
  256. Jose Antonio Ruiperez Valiente, Research Fellow, University of Murcia
  257. Joseph Seering, Postdoctoral Scholar in Computer Science, Stanford University
  258. Joshua A. Grochow, Assistant Professor, Departments of Computer Science and Mathematics, University of Colorado Boulder
  259. Joshua Cooper, Professor of Mathematics, University of South Carolina
  260. Joshua Quicksall, Communications Specialist, Institute for Software Research, School of Computer Science, Carnegie Mellon University
  261. Joss Wright, Senior Research Fellow, Oxford Internet Institute, University of Oxford
  262. Juan Wang, Professor of political science, McGill
  263. Julie Hui, Assistant Professor, University of Michigan
  264. Julie J Lee, University College London
  265. Julie Kientz, Professor, University of Washington
  266. Kaave Hosseini, Postdoctoral Associate, Carnegie Mellon University
  267. Kaivan Kamali, Computational Scientist, Penn State University
  268. Kamiar Rahnama Rad, Assistant Professor, Baruch College, City University New York
  269. Kamyar Khodamoradi, Postdoc in Computer Science, University of Würzburg
  270. Karen Boyd, University of Michigan
  271. Karen Fisher, Professor, University of Washington
  272. Kate Starbird, Associate Professor, University of Washington
  273. Katharina Reinecke, Associate Professor, Paul G. Allen School of Computer Science and Engineering, University of Washington
  274. Katie Siek, Professor and Chair, Indiana University
  275. Katta Spiel, Hertha-Firnberg Scholar, TU Wien
  276. Katy E. Pearce, Associate professor, University of Washington
  277. Kay Connelly, Associate Dean for Research, Professor of Informatics, Indiana University
  278. Kelly Lyons, Professor, Faculty of Information and Department of CS, University of Toronto
  279. Kendra Albert, Clinical Instructor, Berkman Klein Center for Internet & Society
  280. Kenneth Holstein, Assistant Professor of Human-Computer Interaction, Carnegie Mellon University
  281. Kentaro Toyama, Professor, University of Michigan
  282. Kevin Skadron, Professor of Computer Science, FACM, University of Virginia
  283. Kia Bazargan, Associate Professor, University of Minnesota
  284. Kiran Garimella, Michael Hammer Postdoc, MIT
  285. Kolina Koltai, Postdoctoral Fellow, University of Washington
  286. Kyle Fox, Assistant Professor, University of Texas at Dallas
  287. Kyle Thayer, Assistant Teaching Professor, University of Washington
  288. Lance Eaton, Educator
  289. Lara Letaw, Faculty, Oregon State University
  290. Laura Alonso Alemany, Universidad Nacional de Córdoba
  291. Laura Forlano, Associate Professor, Illinois Institute of Technology
  292. Lauren Wilcox, Associate Professor, Interactive Computing, College of Computing, Georgia Tech
  293. Lawrence H. Moulton, Professor of International Health and (joint) Biostatistics, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health
  294. Lawrence Kim, Postdoc, Stanford University
  295. Lefteris Manassakis, Research engineer, FORTH-ICS
  296. Lena Fanya Aeschbach, University of Basel
  297. Leo Ducas, Senior Researcher in Cryptology, Centrum Wiskunde & Informaticas
  298. Liang Huang, Associate Professor of Computer Science, Oregon State University
  299. Libby Hemphill, University of Michigan
  300. Lilly Irani, Associate Professor, 2021 Program Co-Chair ACM FAccT, UC San Diego, Communication and Computer Science (Affiliate Faculty)
  301. Lindsay Jamieson, Associate Professor of Computer Science, St.Mary’s College of Maryland
  302. Lindsey Kuper, Assistant Professor, Computer Science and Engineering, UC Santa Cruz
  303. LJean Camp, Fellow of the IEEE; Fellow of the AAAS, Professor of Computer Science, Professor of Informatics, Indiana University
  304. Loren Terveen, Professor of Computer Science & Engineering, The University of Minnesota
  305. Lorenzo Cavallaro, Professor of Computer Science, Chair in Cybersecurity (Systems Security), King’s College London
  306. Loris D’Antoni, Assistant Professor, University of Wisconsin-Madison
  307. Lorrie Cranor, Bosch Distinguished Professor and FORE Systems Professor, Carnegie Mellon University; ACM, IEEE, AAAS Fellow, Carnegie Mellon University
  308. Louigi Addario-Berry, Professor, Fellow of the Institute for Matthematical Statistics, Fellow of the Canadian Matthematical Society, Simons Fellow., McGill University
  309. Luca Trevisan, Professor of Computer Science, Bocconi University
  310. Lucy Bernholz, Sr. Research Scholar, Stanford University
  311. LuEttaMae Lawrence, Postdoc Fellow, Carnegie Mellon University
  312. Lukas Daniel Klausner, Researcher, St. Pölten University of Applied Sciences
  313. Lynn S. Dombrowski, Assistant Professor, IUPUI
  314. Mahdi Cheraghchi, Assistant Professor of CSE, ACM Senior Member, University of Michigan
  315. Mahdi Mirhoseini, Professor of Information Systems, John Molson School of Business, Concordia University
  316. Mahmood Shafeie Zargar, Assistant Professor of Innovation Management, VU Amsterdam
  317. Maneesh Agrawala, Professor of Computer Science, Director Brown Institute for Media Innovation, MacArthur Fellow, Stanford University
  318. Mar Hicks, Associate Professor of History of Technology, Illinois Institute of Technology
  319. Maral Dehghani, Faculty, School of Computing & Academic Studies, British Columbia Institute of Technology
  320. Marc Deisenroth, Professor, University College London
  321. Marjan Farahbod, Simon Fraser University
  322. Martin Joel Strauss, Professor of Mathematics, University of Michigan
  323. Maryam Elahi, Assistant Professor, Mount Royal University
  324. Maryam Siahbani, Assistant Prof., University of the Fraser Valley
  325. Mason Kortz, Clinical Instructor, Berkman Klein Center for Internet & Society
  326. Masoud Hamedi, Adjunct Professor, Masters in Telecommunications Program, Adjunct Professor
  327. Matin Bagherpour, Associate Professor of Energy Systems, University of Oslo
  328. Matt Windsor, Research Associate, University of York
  329. Matteo Maffei, Professor for Security and Privacy, TU Wien
  330. Matthew Bietz, Lecturer, University of California, Irvine
  331. Matthew Kay, Assistant Professor of Computer Science and Communication Studies, Northwestern University
  332. Maxime Turgeon, Assistant Professor, Department of Computer Science, University of Manitoba
  333. Maziar Goudarzi, Associate Professor, Sharif University of Technology
  334. Mehdi Javanmard, Associate Professor, Rutgers University
  335. Mehdi Kargar, Assistant Professor, Ryerson University
  336. mehdi shajari, Assistant Professor, Ryerson University
  337. Mehdi Tahoori, Professor and Chair of Computer Science, IEEE Fellow, Karlsruhe Institute of Technology (KIT)
  338. Melanie Mitchell, Professor, Computer Science, Portland State University
  339. Michael Ann DeVito, Postdoctoral Computing Innovation Fellow, University of Colorado Boulder
  340. Michael Bernstein, Associate Professor of Computer Science, Stanford University
  341. Michael Cook, Research Fellow, Queen Mary University of London
  342. Michael Nebeling, Assistant Professor of Information & CSE, University of Michigan
  343. Michael P. Kim, Miller Institute, UC Berkeley
  344. Michael Winikoff, Professor and Head of School, Victoria University of Wellington
  345. Michel Steuwer, Lecturer, University of Edinburgh
  346. Mike Rosulek, Associate Professor, Oregon State University
  347. Milind Kulkarni, Associate Professor, School of Electrical and Computer Engineering, Purdue University
  348. Mohamed Sarwat, Professor of Computer Science, Arizona State University
  349. Mohammad Akbarpour, Professor of Economics and (by courtesy) Computer Science, Stanford University
  350. Mohammad Hajiabadi, Assistant Professor of CSE, Pennsylvania State University, Assistant Professor of CSE, Pennsylvania State University
  351. Mohammad Hajiesmaili, UMass Amherst
  352. Mohammad Heydari, Dr., Research Fellow
  353. Mohammad Javad Abdolhosseini Qomi, Assistant Professor, UC Irvine
  354. Mohammad Javad Amiri, Postdoc Researcher, University of Pennsylvania
  355. Mohammad Mahmoody, Associate Professor of Computer Science, University of Virginia
  356. Mohammad Malekzadeh, Postdoctoral Researcher, Imperial College London
  357. Mohammad Sadoghi, Assistant Professor, Computer Science, University of California, Davis
  358. Mohammad Saleh Zarepour, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, University of Birmingham
  359. Mohammad Shahrad, Lecturer in Computer Science, Princeton University
  360. Mohammad T. Hajiaghayi, ACM Fellow, Minker Professor of Computer Science, University of Maryland, College Park
  361. Mohsen Heidari, Postdoc, Purdue University
  362. Mojtaba Azadi, Assistant Professor, San Francisco State University
  363. Molly H. Olson, Mathematics and Coding teacher, Ely Memorial School
  364. Mona Azadkia, Postdoc, ETH
  365. Morteza Dehghani, Associate Professor of Psychology and Computer Science, University of Southern California
  366. Morteza Rezanejad, Postdoctoral Fellow, University of Toronto
  367. Moslem Habibi, Assistant Professor at Sharif University, Assistant Professor at Sharif University of Technology
  368. Mostafa Milani, Assistant Professor, The University of Western Ontario
  369. Motahhare Eslami, Assistant Professor, Carnegie Mellon University, Carnegie Mellon University
  370. Munmun De Choudhury, Associate Professor of Interactive Computing; 2021 ACM-W Awardee, Georgia Institute of Technology
  371. Murat Demirbas, Professor of Computer Science, University at Buffalo, SUNY
  372. Muthuramakrishnan Venkitasubramaniam, Associate Professor, University of Rochester
  373. Myounghoon Jeon, Associate Professor, Virginia Tech
  374. Nachiket Kapre, University of Aaterloo
  375. Nader Sehatbakhsh, Assistant Professor, UCLA
  376. Naeem Khademi, Assoc. Prof., University of Stavanger
  377. Nael Abu-Ghazaleh, Professor of Computer Science, University of California, Riverside
  378. Nancy Smith, Assistant Professor, School of Information, Pratt Institute
  379. Nanette Veilleux, Professor, Simmons University
  380. Naomi Nishimura, Associate Professor, University of Waterloo
  381. Nauman Chaudhry, Instructor, Oregon State University
  382. Navid Hashemi, Assistant Professor, College of Charleston
  383. Nazanin Andalibi, Assistant Professor of Information, University of Michigan, School of Information
  384. Nicholas Spooner, Postdoctoral Scholar, Boston University
  385. Nicole Ellison, Karl E. Weick Collegiate Professor of Information, University of Michigan School of Information
  386. Nikhil Garg, Postdoc, UC Berkeley
  387. Nikhil Srivastava, Associate Professor, UC Berkeley
  388. Niklas Elmqvist, Professor of Information Studies and Computer Science, University of Maryland, College Park
  389. Niloufar Salehi, Assistant professor, UC, Berkeley
  390. Nima Haghpanah, Assistant Professor of Economics, Pennsylvania State University
  391. Noah Stephens-Davidowitz, Assistant Professor, Computer Science, Cornell University
  392. Nova Ahmed, Associate Professor, North South University, Bangladesh
  393. Odest Chadwicke Jenkins, Professor of Computer Science and Engineering, University of Michigan
  394. Oliver Haimson, Assistant Professor, University of Michigan
  395. Om Damani, Professor of Computer Science, IIT Bombay
  396. Omid Rohanian, Post-Doctoral Research Associate, University of Oxford
  397. Panos Parpas, Reader, Imperial College London
  398. Parisa Rashidi, Associate Professor, University of Florida
  399. Patricia Arias Cabarcos, Postdoctoral Researcher, KIT
  400. Patricia Garcia, Assistant Professor, University of Michigan
  401. Paul Dourish, ACM Fellow, Chancellor’s Professor of Informatics, University of California, Irvine
  402. Paul H J Kelly, Professor of Software Technology, Imperial College London
  403. Pejman Lotfi-Kamran, Associate Professor of Computer Science, IPM
  404. Pernille Bjorn, Professor, University of Copenhagen, Denmark
  405. Peter Shor, Professor of Mathematics, MacArthur Fellow, Nevanlinna Prize, ACM Fellow, MIT
  406. Peyman Mohajerin Esfahani, Assistant Professor, TU Delft
  407. Piper Jackson, Assistant Professor of Computing Science, Thompson Rivers University
  408. Pooya Hatami, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, Ohio State University
  409. Pooyan Jamshidi, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, University of South Carolina
  410. Priya Kumar, University of Maryland, College Park
  411. R. Benjamin Shapiro, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, University of Colorado Boulder
  412. Rachit Agarwal, Assistant Professor, Computer Science, Cornell University
  413. Rad Niazadeh, Assistant Professor, University of Chicago Booth School of Business
  414. Rada Mihalcea, Janice M. Jenkins Collegiate Professor of Computer Science, University of Michigan
  415. Rafael Oliveira, University of waterloo
  416. Ramtin Pedarsani, Assistant Professor of Electrical and Computer Engineering, University of California, Santa Barbara
  417. Rasit Eskicioglu, Associate Professor of Computer Science, University of Manitoba
  418. Rasoul Etesami, Assistant Professor, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
  419. Rebecca Wright, Druckenmiller Professor of Computer Science, Barnard College
  420. Rediet Abebe, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, UC Berkeley / Harvard Society of Fellows
  421. Reem Talhouk, Vice chancellor research fellow, Northumbria University
  422. Reihaneh Rabbany, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, McGill University
  423. Reva Freedman, Department of Computer Science, Northern Illinois University
  424. Reyhaneh Jabbarvand, Assistant Professor, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
  425. Reza Babanezhad Harikandeh, Research Scientist, Research Scientist
  426. Reza Djeddi, Research Assistant Professor of Mechanical Engineering, Univeristy of Tennessee, Knoxville
  427. Reza Rawassizadeh, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, Boston University
  428. Reza Sameni, Associate Professor, Emory University
  429. Reza Zadeh, Adjunct Professor, Stanford and Matroid
  430. Ricardo Baeza-Yates, ACM Fellow, Professor, Northeastern University
  431. Richmond Wong, Postdoctoral Researcher, University of California, Berkeley
  432. Rob Comber, Associate Professor, KTH Royal Institute of Technology, Stockholm
  433. Robert Soden, Assistant Professor, University of Toronto
  434. Roberto Minelli, Ph.D., Software Institute – USI, Lugano, Switzerland
  435. Robin Brewer, University of Michigan, School of Information
  436. Roderic N. Crooks, Assistant Professor of Informatics, Donald Bren School of Information and Computer Sciences, University of California, Irvine., Assistant Professor, UC Irvine Informatics.
  437. Roei Tell, Postdoctoral Fellow, MIT
  438. Ron Eglash, Professor, School of Information, University of Michigan
  439. Ron Wakkary, Professor (Former Editor-in-Chief ACM interactions 2010-16), Simon Fraser University
  440. Ross Tate, Cornell University
  441. Roya Ensafi, Assistant professor, University of Michigan
  442. Rubén Salvador Perea, CentraleSupélec, IETR Lab
  443. Ryan Cotterell, Assistant Professor, ETH Zürich
  444. Sadegh Aliakbary, Faculty member as an assistant professor, Shahid Beheshti University
  445. Sadegh Dalvandi, Research Fellow, University of Surrey
  446. Sajin Koroth, Postdoctoral Fellow, Simon Fraser University
  447. Salman Beigi, Associate Professor, Institute for Research in Fundamental Sciences (IPM)
  448. Sam Malek, Professor, University of California, Irvine
  449. Saman Zonouz, Professor, 2019 PECASE Awardee, Rutgers University
  450. Samantha Breslin, Assistant Professor, University of Copenhagen
  451. Sameer Singh, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, University of California, Irvine
  452. Samin Aref, Computer Scientist and Former Lecturer, Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research
  453. Sandeep Kumar Shukla, Professor Of computer science, Indian Institute of Technology Kanpur
  454. Sara Sartoli, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, University of North Georgia
  455. Sarah Fox, Assistant Professor, Carnegie Mellon University
  456. Sarita Adve, Richard T. Cheng Professor of Computer Science, Member of American Academy of Arts and Sciences, recipient of ACM/IEEE CS Ken Kennedy award, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
  457. Sarita Schoenebeck, Associate Professor, University of Michigan
  458. Saugata Ghose, Assistant Professor, Department of Computer Science, University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign
  459. Sauvik Das, Assistant Professor of Interactive Computing, Cybersecurity & Privacy, Georgia Institute of Technology
  460. Scott David Dexter, Professor of Computer Science, Alma College
  461. Sean Farley, Researcher, Argonne National Lab
  462. Sean Munson, Associate Professor, University of Washington
  463. Sean Murthy, Associate Professor of Instruction, University of Texas at Dallas
  464. Sebastian Diaz, Cheif Geek, Berkman Klein Center at Harvard Univeristy
  465. Sebastian Schelter, University of Amsterdam
  466. Sepehr Nezami, Postdoctoral researcher, Caltech
  467. Shahin Kamali, Assistant Professor, Department of Computer Science, University of Manitoba
  468. Shahrooz Faghihroohi, Senior Research Scientist
  469. Shaowen Bardzell, Professor, Penn State University
  470. Shayan Oveis Gharan, Associate Professor of Computer Science and Engineering, University of Washington
  471. Shideh Dashti, Associate Professor, University of Colorado Boulder
  472. Shimon Edelman, Professor, Cornell University
  473. Shirin Boroushaki, Assistant Professor, Thompson Rivers University
  474. Shiva Nejati, Associate Professor at the School of Electrical Engineering and Computer Science, University of Ottawa
  475. Siamak F. Shahandashti, Lecturer (Assistant Professor), Department of Computer Science, University of York, UK
  476. Sibin Mohan, Research Assistant Professor, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
  477. Siddharth Garg, Associate Professor of ECE, New York University
  478. Sihem Amer-Yahia, Research Director, CNRS, Univ. Grenoble Alpes
  479. Silvia Lindtner, Associate Professor of Information and Computer Sciences, Associate Director of the Center for Ethics, Society, and Computing, University of Michigan
  480. Simina Branzei, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, Purdue University
  481. Sina Fazelpour, Postdoctoral Fellow, Carnegie Mellon University
  482. Sina Tafazoli, Postdoctoral research associate, Princeton University
  483. Soheil Mohajer, Associatie Professor, University of Minnesota
  484. Sourav S Bhowmick, Associate Professor in Computer Science, Nanyang Technological University
  485. Stacey Scott, Professor of Computer Science, University of Guelph
  486. Stephen A Cook, ACM Turing Award, University Emeritus, Department of Computer Science, University of Toronto
  487. Stephen B Gilbert, Director of Human Computer Interaction and Assoc Prof, Iowa State University
  488. Stephen Ramsey, Associate Professor, Oregon State University
  489. Steve Easterbrook, Professor of Computer Science, University of Toronto
  490. Subramanian Ramamoorthy, Professor of Robot Learning and Autonomy, School of Informatics, University of Edinburgh
  491. Supratik Chakraborty, Professor, I.I.T. Bombay
  492. Suvrit Sra, Associate Professor, MIT
  493. Suzanne Rivoire, Professor of Computer Science, Sonoma State University
  494. Syed Ishtiaque Ahmed, Assistant Professor, University of Toronto
  495. Taha Yasseri, Associate Professor, Former Turing Fellow, University College Dublin
  496. Talayeh Aledavood, Lecturer in CS, Aalto University
  497. Tara Javidi, Professor of ECE, University of California, San Diego
  498. Tariq, Professors of Computer Sciences, University College of Technology Sarawak
  499. Tawanna Dillahunt, Associate Professor, School of Information, University of Michigan
  500. Tevfik Kosar, Professor, University at Buffalo
  501. Thomas G. Dietterich, Distinguished Professor (Emeritus), Oregon State University
  502. Tiago Ferreira, Research Assistant, University College London
  503. Tiffany Veinot, Professor of Information and of Health Behavior and Health Education, University of Michigan
  504. Timothy M. Pinkston, Ph.D., Professor of ECE, ACM Fellow, University of Southern California
  505. Timur Friedman, Sorbonne Université
  506. Tugkan Batu, Assistant Professor, London School of Economics
  507. Valerie Barr, Professor of Computer Science, Mount Holyoke College
  508. Vasco T. Vasconcelos, Professor of Computer Science, University of Lisbon
  509. Vasiliki Kalavri, Assistant Professor, Boston University
  510. Vijay Chidambaram, Assistant Professor, University of Texas at Austin
  511. Vikram S. Adve, Donald B. Gillies Professor of Computer Science; ACM Fellow, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
  512. Virginia de Sa, Professora, UC San Diego
  513. Wanda Pratt, Professor and Associate Dean for Diversity Equity & Inclusion, Information School, University of Washington
  514. Wayne Heym, Senior Lecturer, Computer Science and Engineering, The Ohio State University
  515. Wendy Norris, Assistant Professor, Computer Science, Nazareth College
  516. Yadollah Yaghoobzadeh, Professor of computer science, University of Tehran
  517. Yan Chen, Professor of Information, University of Michigan
  518. Yashar Ganjali, Professor of Computer Science, University of Toronto
  519. Yasser Roudi, Professor, winner of Eric Kandel Young Neuroscientist Award 2015, Kavli Institute for Systems Neuroscience, NTNU
  520. Yavar Taheri Yeganeh, Senior Research Assistant, Shahid Beheshti University
  521. Yifan Sun, Assistant Professor, William & Mary
  522. Yvonne Coady, Professor of Computer Science, University of Victoria
  523. Ziawasch Abedjan, Professor of Computer Science, Leibniz Universität Hannover
  524. Zubair Shafiq, Associate Professor, University of California, Davis

– Academia: Students:

  1. Aakash Gautam, PhD student, Virginia Tech
  2. Abbas K. Rizi, PhD Candidate in CS, PhD Candidate
  3. Abdallah Anees AbuHashem, Master’s Student at Stanford University, Master’s Student at Stanford University
  4. Abduvosid Malikov, Student at MSc Business Analytics, CEU, Student
  5. Abraham Mhaidli, PhD Candidate, University of Michigan
  6. Abrar Rahman Protyasha, Undergraduate student, University of Rochester
  7. Abtin Afshar, Phd student, Phd student
  8. Adam Suhl, PhD student, UC San Diego
  9. Afsoon Afzal, PhD Candidate, Carnegie Mellon University
  10. Agata Foryciarz, PhD Student, Stanford University
  11. Ahmed Frikha, PhD student, LMU Munich and Siemens
  12. Ahmed, Student, Penn State
  13. Aidin Shiri, Computer Engineer, University of Maryland Baltimore County
  14. Aishwarya Mandyam, PhD Student, Princeton University
  15. Akshay Gopalakrishnan, MSc Thesis
  16. Alejandro Flores-Velazco, PhD Student, University of Maryland, College Park
  17. Alen K. Sabu, Doctoral candidate in Computer Science, National University of Singapore
  18. Alexander Gamero-Garrido, PhD Candidate in Computer Science, UC San Diego
  19. Alexander Hicks, University College London
  20. Ali Farzanehfar, PhD candidate, Imperial College London
  21. Ali Gorji, M.Sc. student, ETH Zurich
  22. Ali Hajiabdi, PhD student, National University of Singapore
  23. Ali Sharafat, PhD Student, Stanford University
  24. Ali Varamesh, PhD cadidate, KU Leuven
  25. Alicia DeVos, PhD Student, Carnegie Mellon University
  26. Alireza Sanaee, Mr., Queen Mary University of London
  27. Alyssa Wang, UCLA
  28. Amber Horvath, Graduate Student, Carnegie Mellon University
  29. Amin Jabini, PhD student at USC, PhD Student at USC
  30. Amir Khordadi, PhD Student, University of Edinburgh
  31. Amir Shahatit, Software engineer, UC Berkeley
  32. Amirhossein Ghafari, Research Assistant, Student
  33. Amirhossein Rajabi, PhD Candidate in CS, Technical University of Denmark
  34. Anagha Zach, Computer science engineer, Student
  35. Andi Peng, PhD Candidate in CS, MIT
  36. Andrew Hu, PhD Student, Michigan State University
  37. Ángel Alexander Cabrera, PhD Student, Carnegie Mellon University
  38. Anja Kalaba, Princeton University
  39. Ankit Pensia, PhD Student, UW-Madison
  40. Anna Fang, PhD Student, Carnegie Mellon University
  41. Anna Karanika, PhD student, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
  42. Anna Kawakami, Undergraduate student, Wellesley College
  43. Anne Spencer Ross, PhD Candidate, University of Washington
  44. Antares Chen, PhD Student, University of Chicago
  45. Arash Pourhabibi, PhD Candidate, EPFL
  46. Arezou Fatemi, SFU
  47. Argyris Mouzakis, PhD Student, University of Waterloo
  48. Arjun Subramonian, Computer Science Student, University of California, Los Angeles
  49. Artem Pelenitsyn, Northeastern University
  50. Ashkan Kazemi, PhD Candidate, University of Michigan
  51. Ashkan YekrangSafakar, Electrical Engineering, Louisiana State University
  52. Ashwin Rajadesingan, PhD student, University of Michigan School of Information
  53. Ashwin Singh, IIIT Delhi
  54. Atefe Khodadadi, Student, Sharif University of Technology
  55. Atia Hamidizadeh, M.Sc. student in Computer Science, Simon Fraser University
  56. Bandar Al-Dhalaan, (none), University of Michigan
  57. Behnam Rahdari, PhD Student, University of Pittsburgh
  58. Behrad Moniri, Student of Electrical Engineering, Sharif University of Technology
  59. Ben Pullman, PhD Candidate, UC San Diego
  60. Benjamin Elizalde, PhD student
  61. Bharat Prakash, PhD Research Assistant, UMBC
  62. Brandon Thai Tran, PhD Student, University of Southern California
  63. Brian Zimmerman, Software Engineer, Graduate Student, Myself
  64. Bryan Wang, PhD student, University of Toronto
  65. Buzz Rankouhi, PhD candidate, University of Wisconsin-Madison
  66. Calvin Liang, University of Washington
  67. Cella Monet Sum, Incoming PhD Student, Carnegie Mellon University
  68. Chloe Kliman-Silver, Postgrad Researcher, Northumbria University
  69. Christian Seitz, PhD student, UCSD
  70. Conlon Novak, DC, SCS ’20
  71. Dana Afazeli, Data scientist, Cs student at sharif university of technology
  72. Daniel Delmonaco, PhD Student, University of Michigan School of Information
  73. Darya Kaviani, Undergraduate, UC Berkeley EECS
  74. David Gray Widder, PhD Candidate, Carnegie Mellon University
  75. Dimitris Karakostas, PhD candidate, University of Edinburgh
  76. Divine Maloney, PhD candidate, inaugural Ada Lovelace fellow, Clemson University
  77. Divyansh Kaushik, PhD student, Carnegie Mellon University
  78. Dmitrii Ustiugov, PhD Student, University of Edinburgh
  79. Earl W. Huff Jr., Ph.D. Candidate, Clemson University
  80. Eliot W. Robson, PhD Student, University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign
  81. Elizabeth Resor, PhD Candidate, UC Berkeley School of Information
  82. Emad Heydari Beni, PhD candidate, KU Leuven
  83. Emilia Gan, PhD Student, University of Washington
  84. Emily Tseng, PhD Student, Cornell University
  85. Emma Lurie, PhD Student, UC Berkeley School of Information
  86. Emma McDonnell, University of Washington
  87. Emma McKay, PhD student, McGill University
  88. Emmy Cao, UCLA
  89. Evangelia Gergatsouli, PhD Student, University of Wisconsin-Madison
  90. Evanjelin Mahmoodi, Computer Science and Mathematics Undergraduate Student, University of California, Santa Cruz
  91. Farhad Vadiee, PhD student, University of Bergen
  92. Farzin Soleymani, Grad student, Technical University of Munich
  93. Felix Neutatz, PhD student, TU Berlin
  94. Gabriel Grill, PhD Student, University of Michigan
  95. Hafez Ghaemi, Graduate Student, Polytechnic University of Turin
  96. Hamed Javidi, Computer science, Gradute Student
  97. Harjasleen Gulati, CS Student at Oregon State University
  98. Henry Zhu, Ph.D. Student, Stanford University
  99. Hossein Golestani, PhD Candidate, University of Michigan
  100. Hossein Maleki, Ph.D. Student, Georgia Institute of Technology
  101. Hossein Moghaddas, Student, Sharif University of Technology
  102. Hünkar Tunç, University of Konstanz
  103. Hye Sun Yun, PhD student, Northeastern University
  104. Ian Haliburton, UCLA
  105. Ihudiya Finda Williams, PhD Candidate, University of Michigan
  106. Ilir Kola, PhD Candidate in Artificial Intelligence, Delft University of Technology
  107. J Weston Hughes, PhD Student, Computer Science, Stanford University
  108. Jacob McLemore, PhD Student, The University of Tennessee
  109. Jacob Ritchie, PhD Student, Stanford University
  110. Jan-Oliver Kaiser, MPI-SWS
  111. Jane Im, PhD student, University of Michigan Information & Computer Science and Engineering, University of Michigan
  112. Javad Rahimikollu, Graduate Student, Graduate Student
  113. Jeffrey Gleason, Incoming PhD Student, Northeastern
  114. Jessy Ceha, Student, University of Waterloo
  115. Jip J. Dekker, PhD Candidate, Monash University
  116. João Ribeiro, Imperial College London
  117. Jonathan Lu, Medical Student, Goldwater Scholar, Stanford University School of Medicine
  118. Jose Guaro, Undergraduate, University of California, San Diego
  119. Josephine Hoy, Graduate Student, Human Centered Design & Engineering, University of Washington
  120. Julia Cervantes-Espinoza, Educator Advocating CS for All, LAUSD Educator, Advocate of CS for All, EdTech Coach
  121. Julia Len, PhD Student, Cornell University
  122. Julien Gamba, PhD student, IMDEA Networks Institute
  123. Justine Zhang, PhD Student, Cornell University
  124. K.A. Garrett, Ph.D. Candidate, Carnegie Mellon University
  125. Kamen Brestnichki, Machine Learning Scientist, University College London
  126. Kat Roemmich, PhD student, University of Michigan School of Information
  127. Katherine Song, PhD student, UC Berkeley
  128. Katie Z. Gach, PhD Candidate, ATLAS Institute, CU Boulder
  129. Kazem Cheshmi, PhD student, University of Toronto
  130. Kentrell Owens, PhD Student, University of Washington
  131. Khalil Mrini, PhD Student in Computer Science, University of California San Diego
  132. Konstantin Aal, PhD Student, University of Siegen
  133. Konstantinos Kallas, PhD student, PhD student
  134. Kyle Liang, PhD Student, Carnegie Mellon University
  135. Leo Chen, PhD Student, Carnegie Mellon University
  136. Léo Stefanesco, PhD student, Collège de France
  137. Lindsay Popowski, Undergraduate, Harvey Mudd College
  138. Linghui Luo, PhD Candidate, Paderborn University
  139. Liz B. Marquis, PhD Candidate, University of Michigan School of Information
  140. Lucy Li, PhD Student, University of California, Berkeley
  141. Luke Swanson, PhD Student, University of Wisconsin-Madison
  142. Lydia Burger, Undergraduate Student, University of Oklahoma
  143. Lydia Stamato, PhD Student, University of Maryland, Baltimore County
  144. M. Hammad Mazhar, University of Iowa
  145. Mahdi Belbasi, PhD candidate
  146. Mahdi Sedaghat, PhD student of Cryptography in Cosic, Ku Leuven
  147. Mahsa Alimardani, PhD Student, University of Oxford
  148. Majid Rasouli, Ph.D. Student, University of Utah
  149. Mania Abdi, Northeastern university
  150. María Virginia Sabando, PhD student, Departemnt of Computer Sciences and Engineering, Universidad Nacional del Sur, Argentina
  151. Mark Schultz, PhD Student, UC San Diego
  152. Maroussia Lévesque, Attorney; doctoral candidate, Harvard Law School
  153. Mary Anne Smart, PhD student, UC San Diego
  154. Maryam Akbari-Moghaddam, Computer Science, McMaster University
  155. Masoud Mokhtari, Machine Learning Graduate Student, University of British Columbia
  156. Masoumeh Abolfathi, PhD Candidate, University of Colorado Denver
  157. Matin Yarmand, PhD Student, UC San Diego
  158. Matthew Jörke, PhD Student, Stanford University, PhD Student
  159. Maximilian Berens, PhD Student, TU Dortmund University
  160. Mayowa Oke, Princeton University
  161. Mazda Moayeri, University of Maryland
  162. Maziar Hafezi, Mr, University of Toronto alumni
  163. Mehran Shakerinava, McGill University
  164. Mehri mehrnia, PhD candidate, Illinois institute of technology
  165. MG Hirsch, University of Maryland
  166. Michael Levet, PhD Student, University of Colorado Boulder- Department of Computer Science
  167. Michael Rivera, PhD Candidate, Carnegie Mellon University
  168. Michael Schröder, PhD Student, TU Wien
  169. Michelle Lam, PhD Student, Stanford University
  170. Michelle Lin, Student
  171. Mihir Mongia, PhD Student, Carnegie Mellon University
  172. Mohamed Elgaar, PhD Student of Computer Science, University of Massachusetts Lowell
  173. Mohammad Amin Charusaie, Max Planck Institute for Intelligent Systems
  174. Mohammad Bakhshalipour, PhD Candidate, Carnegie Mellon University, Carnegie Mellon University
  175. Mohammad Chegini, Student of Electrical Engineering, Shahid Beheshti University
  176. Mohammad Dehghan, Graduate Student, University of Waterloo
  177. Mohammad Hossein Rimaz, Computer Science Student
  178. Mohammad M. Ahmadpanah, Ph.D. Student, Chalmers University of Technology
  179. MohammadHossein AskariHemmat, PhD Student, Polytechnique Montreal
  180. Mollie Shichman, University of Maryland, College Park
  181. Molly Jane Nicholas, Graduate Student Researcher, University of California, Berkeley
  182. Morgan Wofford, PhD Student, University of Michigan
  183. Mostafa Touny, Software Engineering Student, 6th of October for Modern Sciences and Arts (MSA)
  184. Nadia Karizat, Master of Health Informatics, Candidate, University of Michigan School of Information
  185. Naji Shajarisales, Graduate Research Assistant, Carnegie Mellon University
  186. Nalini Singh, Graduate Student, MIT
  187. Nava Haghighi, Stanford University
  188. Navid Rahimi, M.Sc. in Computer Science, Simon Fraser University
  189. Navid Salehnamadi, Software Engineering, Graduate Student, University of California, Irvine
  190. Negar Arabzadeh, Computer science graduate student, University of Waterloo
  191. Negar Ghorbani, PhD Candidate in Software Engineering, University of California, Irvine
  192. Negar Khojasteh, PhD Candidate, Cornell University
  193. Negin Alimohammadi, PhD student, University of Washington
  194. Neilly Tan, PhD Student, University of Washington
  195. Neophytos Charalambides, PhD candidate, EECS Department, University of Michigan
  196. Nishant Rodrigues, PhD Candidate, University of Illinois @ Urbana-Champaign
  197. Omid Heravi, UC Berkeley
  198. Orfeas Stefanos Thyfronitis Litos, PhD Student, University of Edinburgh
  199. Panayiotis Smeros, PhD Student, EPFL
  200. Pang Wei Koh, PhD Student, Stanford University
  201. Pashootan Vaezipoor, University of Toronto
  202. Patrick Lin, PhD Student, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
  203. Patrick Naughton, PhD Student, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
  204. Pedram Daee, Aalto University
  205. Pedram Safi, Graduate Student of Computer Science, University of Southern California
  206. Peyman Momeni, Computer Science Graduate Student, University of Waterloo
  207. Pooja Ravi Kulkarni, PhD student at UIUC, UIUC
  208. Psi Vesely, UCSD
  209. Qiaosi Wang, PhD Student, Georgia Institute of Technology
  210. Raiyan Abdul Baten, PhD Student in Engineering, University of Rochester
  211. Ramin Mousavi, PhD candidate, University of Alberta
  212. Ramy Shahin, PhD Student, University of Toronto
  213. Rëza Habibi, PhD Student, University of California, Santa Cruz
  214. Ria Stevens, McGill University
  215. Rina R. Wehbe, PhD Computer Science, UWaterloo
  216. Rob Fitzgerald, PhD Candidate in Computer Science, GAANN Fellow, University of Colorado Denver
  217. Robert Andrews, PhD Student, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
  218. Robert P Gauthier, PhD Student, University of Waterloo
  219. Rolando Garcia, PhD Student, UC Berkeley
  220. Rose Kunkel, Ph.D. student, University of California, San Diego
  221. Roshni Sahoo, Stanford University
  222. Roya Sabbagh Novin, Research assistant, University of Utah
  223. Rucha Ravi Kulkarni, PhD candidate, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
  224. Saber Sheybani, PhD candidate in Intelligent Systems Engineering, Indiana University Bloomington
  225. Saeed Rashidi, PhD Student, Georgia Institute of Technology
  226. Saeedreza Shehnepoor, PhD Student, The University of Western Australia
  227. Saeid Amiri, PhD candidate, SUNY Binghamton
  228. Sahand Mozaffari, Research Assistant, University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign
  229. Sam McGuire, UCSD
  230. Samantha Robertson, PhD Student, UC, Berkeley
  231. Samira Abnar, University of Amsterdam
  232. Sarah Pearman, PhD student in Societal Computing, Institute for Software Research, Carnegie Mellon University
  233. Sarah Perou Hermans, Fourth year medical student, Tulane University
  234. Sarah Sterman, PhD Candidate, UC Berkeley
  235. Saransh Gupta, PhD Candidate, UC San Diego
  236. Sayyed Ata Naghedifar, Computer Science Student, Sharif University of Technology
  237. sepideh maleki, PhD candidate, The University of Texas at Austin
  238. Seyed Mohammed Sadegh Mahdavi, Student in Computer Engineering, Sharif University of Technology
  239. Shabnam Nazmi, Machine learning research assistant, North Carolina A&T State University
  240. Shaghayegh Esmaeili, Ph.D. Student, University of Florida
  241. Shahriar Shayesteh, M.Sc. student, University of Ottawa
  242. Shahriar Talebi, PhD student, University of Washington
  243. Shawheen Y Naderi, Student
  244. Shayan Hosseini, MSc Student, UBC
  245. Shiva Ketabi, University of Toronto
  246. Soheil Changizi, Computer Science Master Student, University of Manitoba
  247. Sohil Vaidya, Graduate Student of Computer Science, University of Colorado Denver
  248. Sophie Huiberts, PhD Candidate, CWI
  249. Steven Rick, PhD Candidate, UC San Diego
  250. Talia Ringer, PhD Student, University of Washington
  251. Tanvi Bajpai, Student, University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign
  252. Tobby Lie, Student of Computer Science, University of Colorado Denver
  253. Tom Darin, Graduate Student, UCLA
  254. Udayan Tandon, PhD Student, University of California, San Diego
  255. Václav Rozhoň, PhD Student, ETH Zurich
  256. Vahid Mafi, PhD Candidate, IT Manager, Modares University
  257. Vahid shahrivari, SUT
  258. vasilis gavrielatos, PhD student computer science
  259. Victoria Dean, PhD Student, Carnegie Mellon University
  260. Vishvajeet N, PhD candidate, Rutgers University
  261. Weena Naowaprateep, CSEd Ph.D. Candidate, Mahidol University
  262. Yaghoubi, Neuroscience student, PhD student at McGill University
  263. Yasaman Sefidgar, PhD Student, University of Washington
  264. Yasamin Nazari, PhD student, Johns Hopkins University
  265. Yaser Souri, Ph.D. Student, University of Bonn
  266. Yixin Zou, PhD Candidate, University of Michigan
  267. Yousof Azizi, PhD Candidate & Lecturer, Virginia Tech School of Public & International Affairs
  268. Yuhao Zhang, PhD Student, UC San Diego
  269. Zahra Tarkhani, University of Cambridge
  270. Zaid Qureshi, Research Assistant, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
  271. Zeerak Waseem, PhD student, University of Sheffield

– Industry and More:

  1. Aakar Gupta, Research Scientist, Facebook Reality Labs Resarch
  2. Adel Ahanin, Risk Researcher, BAM
  3. Afsaneh Rigot, Researcher, ARTICLE 19 and Harvard
  4. Afshin Oroojlooyjadid, Machine Learning Developer, SAS Institute
  5. Ahmad Beirami, Research Scientist, Facebook AI
  6. Alan Jeffrey, Software Engineer
  7. Alex Hanna, Senior Research Scientist, Google Research
  8. Ali Alkhatib, Director, Center for Applied Data Ethics
  9. Ali Parsai, Research Engineer, PhD Computer Science from UAntwerpen, Belgium, Flanders Make
  10. Alice Yeh, Technical Program Manager
  11. Amanda Stent, NLP Architect, Bloomberg
  12. Amer Diwan, Distinguished engineer, Google
  13. Amin Dahesh, Engineering manager at Facebook
  14. Amin Jorati, Applied Scientist
  15. Amir Abdi, Research Engineer, BorealisAi
  16. Amir H Gholamipour, Senior Firmware Engineer, SpaceX
  17. Amir Hossein Ghamarian, Phd
  18. Amir Kiani, Product Manager, Google Inc.
  19. Amir Maleki, Software Engineer, Ansys Inc
  20. Amirhossein Aleyasen, Research Scientist, Datometry
  21. Amirsina Eskandarifar, Data Scientist, Analytics group
  22. Andrés Monroy-Hernández, Principal research scientist
  23. Andrew Hill, Data Analyst, National Jewish Health
  24. Anoush Najarian, Software Engineering Manager, Chair of AI Track, GHC (Grace Hopper Celebration), NeurIPS Meetup Chair, MathWorks
  25. Aram Hamidi, Data Scientist, Caltech affiliate via JPL
  26. Arash Iranzad, AI team lead, Ciena
  27. Arash Vahdat, Senior Research Scientist, NVIDIA
  28. Armin Salimi, Ph.D., Natural Resources Canada
  29. Arsham Mostaani, Nokia Bell Labs
  30. Arsia Takeh, Director of Data Science, 1health
  31. Ashkan Balouchi, Vice President, Finance
  32. Asif Hussain Shahid, Software engineer
  33. Azadeh Keivani, Co-founder and CEO, Digital Age Academy
  34. Babak Salamat, Staff Software Engineer, Google
  35. Backsun Sim, Software developer, Job seeker
  36. Bahram Fallah, Compliance Manager, IT Global Environmental Compliance
  37. Bahram Rushenas, Solution Architect
  38. Bashir Sadjad, Senior Software Engineer, Google Canada
  39. Behdad Esfahbod, Software Engineer, –
  40. Behjat Siddiquie, Research Scientist, Amazon
  41. Behnam Anjomruz, Software Engineer
  42. Behnam Neyshabur, Staff Research Scientist, Google
  43. Behnaz Edalat, Software Engineer
  44. Ben Carterette, ACM SIGIR Chair, Research Manager, Affiliated Associate Professor, Spotify / University of Delaware
  45. Bijan azodi, IT manager, IT
  46. Boshra Nabaei, Software engineer, User Testing
  47. Brent Miller, Software Engineer
  48. Burak Emir, Alchemist of Happiness, Google
  49. Carlo Curino, Principal Scientist Manager, Microsoft GSL
  50. Charles C Earl, Data Scientist, Automattic.com
  51. Chetan Ganjihal, AI Architect
  52. Christina Calio, Consultant, Code.org
  53. Cyrus Safaie, Director, Research Science
  54. Cyrus Safaie, Director, Research Science, Convoy
  55. Danial Ehyaie, Entrepreneur and university of Michigan Alumni, PhD University of Michigan
  56. Daniel Khashabi, Young Investigator, Allen Institute for AI
  57. David A. Shamma, ACM Distinguished Member, IEEE Senior Member
  58. David M Neto, Senior Staff Software Developer, Google Canada
  59. David Qorashi, Senior Software Engineer
  60. Dawn Sheirzad, Product Manager
  61. Dean Jansen, Executive Director, Participatory Culture Foundation
  62. Deborah Katz, Ph.D. in Computer Science from Carnegie Mellon University
  63. Dr. Matthias J. Sax, Software Engineer, Confluent Inc.
  64. Dr. Nima Kaviani, Principal Solutions Architect, Amazon Web Services
  65. Dustin Frazier, IT Professional
  66. Ebrahim Songhori, Software Engineer, PhD, Google Inc
  67. Ehsan Amid, Computer Science, PhD
  68. Ehsan Behnam, Applied Scientist, Amazon Inc
  69. Ehsan Iranmanesh, Research Scientist, 1QBit
  70. Ehsan Jahangiri, Sr. Research Engineer, Apple Inc.
  71. Ehsan Kazemi, Research software engineer, Google
  72. Ehsan Keramati, Automation Engineer
  73. Ehsan M. Kermani, Applied Scientist, Amazon Web Services
  74. Ehsan Mirsaeedi, Senior Software Engineer
  75. Ehsan Vahedi, Senior Data Scientist, Microsoft
  76. Erfan Sadeqi Azer, PhD of computer science, Indiana University
  77. Etienne Obriot, Technical project manager
  78. Fardin Abdi, Sr. ML Engineer, Pinterest
  79. Fariba Armanfard, Electrical and computer engineer
  80. Farkhan Jamalzadeh, Wireless Network Specialist, Iver Sweden
  81. Fernando Diaz, Research Scientist, Google
  82. Frédéric Dubut, Principal PM Manager, Microsoft
  83. Gary Walker, Client Success Manager
  84. Gelareh Manghebati, Barrister & Solicitor, Memorial University of Newfoundland (alumni), University of Manitoba (alumni)
  85. Hadi Partovi, CEO and co-founder, Code.org
  86. Hadi Zarkoob, Senior Data Scientist, Senior Data Scientist
  87. Hamdan Azhar, Data Scientist
  88. Hamed Alemohammad, Chief Data Scientist, Radiant Earth Foundation, Radiant Earth Foundation
  89. Hamed Noori, CEO at SenseNet Inc., University of British Columbia
  90. Homayun Afrabandpey, Senior scientist, Nokia Tech.
  91. Hossein Hamooni, Research Data Scientist, Facebook
  92. Houman Kamali, Software Engineer, Rivian
  93. Ibrahim Alabdulmohsin, Research Scientist, Google Research
  94. Iman Rahmatizadeh, Engineering Manager, Google
  95. James Armontrout, Psychiatrist, Department of veterans affairs / Stanford affiliate faculty appointment
  96. James Davies, Softer Engineer, Imperial College London
  97. Jared Weakly, SWE/SRE
  98. Jeffrey Mogul, Principal Software Engineer, Google
  99. Jennifer Pierre, User Experience Researcher, Google
  100. Jesse Hall, Software Engineer, Google, LLC
  101. Jill Dimond, PhD, Sassafras Tech Collective
  102. Jill Susan Boon, VP, People
  103. Joanne Ma, Graduate Student, UC Berkeley School of Information
  104. Jofish Kaye, ACM Senior Member
  105. John Tang, Principal Researcher, Microsoft Research
  106. Jonas Manuel, Software Engineer
  107. Joshua Muskovitz, Software Engineer
  108. Joyojeet Pal, Principal Researcher, Microsoft Research
  109. Jude Nelson, Research Scientist, Stacks Open Internet Foundation
  110. Karthik Ramakrishnan, Director Alexa AI
  111. Kaveh Shahabi, Software Engineer, Google Inc.
  112. Kevin Dean, Software Developer
  113. Kianoosh Mokhtarian, Senior Software Engineer, Google
  114. Kiko Fernandez-Reyes, Software Engineer, Klarna
  115. Lauren Chambers, Staff Technologist, ACLU of Massachusetts
  116. Leigh Yeh, AI Engineer, Beyond Limits
  117. Mahtab Sabet, Software Engineer, Amazon
  118. Manohar Swaminathan, Principal Researcher, Microsoft Research
  119. Mariam Asad, PhD, Georgia Tech
  120. Mary L. Gray, Senior Principal Researcher, Professor of Informatics, Computing, and Engineering, MacArthur Fellow, Microsoft Research and Indiana University
  121. Masoud Loghmani, Product Manager
  122. Masoud Tavazoei, Software Engineer, Stanford Alumni
  123. Masrour Zoghi, Software Engineer, Google Research
  124. Matias Bonaventura, Computer Science PostDoc, UBA-CONICET
  125. Matt Nobar, Product leader
  126. Matthew Reynolds, Computer Scientist, Industry professional
  127. Meghan Combs, Product Manager
  128. Mehdi Aghagolzadeh, Research scientist
  129. Mehdi Noroozi, Researcher, Bosch Center for AI
  130. Mehran Mohtasham, Engineer, Education/Community College
  131. Mehrdad Farajtabar, Research Scientist, Google DeepMind
  132. Mehrtash Babadi, Associate Director of Machine Learning, Broad Institute of MIT and Harvard
  133. Michael Madaio, Postdoctoral researcher, Microsoft Research
  134. Michael Muller, ACM Distinguished Scientist, (a technology company)
  135. Michael Norrish, Research Scientist, CSIRO, Australia
  136. Mike Fulton, IBM Distinguished Engineer, IBM Canada
  137. Mikhail Jacob, Researcher, Microsoft Research
  138. Milad Naseri, Software Engineer, Google
  139. Mina Sedaghat, Senior researcher, Ericsson research, Senior researcher, Ericsson research
  140. Moein Hosseini, Software Engineer
  141. Mohammad Hossein Bateni, Staff Research Scientist, Google
  142. Mohammad Hossein Sedighi Gilani, Data Engineer
  143. Mohammad Mahdian, Senior Staff Research Scientist, Google Research
  144. Mohammad moghadamfalahi, Head of machine learning and algorithms, Liminal sciences
  145. Mohammad Nick, Software Engineer, Zalando SE
  146. Mohammad Norouzi, Research Scientist, Google
  147. Mohammad Saber Golanbari, System Engineer, Robert Bosch GmbH
  148. Mohammad Soltani, Director of AI, AI R&D devision
  149. Mohammadali Ghodrat, Software Engineer
  150. Mohammadhasan Owlia, Software Engineer, Ezra AI
  151. Mohsen Hejrati, Director of Engineering, Genentech
  152. Momin M. Malik, PhD, Berkman Klein Center for Internet & Society at Harvard University
  153. Mona Sergi, Software Engineer, Google
  154. Muhammad Nabeel, Robotician, EDVON
  155. Muminat Budishcheva, Mgr in Journalism
  156. Nam-phuong Nguyen, Bioinformatic principal scientist, Boundless Bio, INC
  157. Nancy Baym, Sr Principal Research Manager, Microsoft Research
  158. Naser Peiravian, Machine Learning Engineer
  159. Nastaran Bassamzadeh, Data scientist, Amazon
  160. Nicolas Le Roux, Research scientist, Google
  161. Nicole Immorlica, Senior Principal Researcher, Microsoft Research
  162. Nishant Subramani, Predoctoral Resident, Intel Labs
  163. Nithya Sambasivan, Staff researcher, Google Research
  164. Oktie Hassanzadeh, Research Scientist, IBM Research
  165. Paige Lowe, Software Engineer, ACM-W NA
  166. Parastoo Geranmayeh, Software Engineer
  167. Parham Pashaei, PhD Candidate. Curriculum Development Lead, Diversifying Talent in Quantum Computing, The University of British Columbia
  168. Parisa Taheri, Product Manager, Microsoft
  169. Parviz Rushenas, Principal engineer
  170. Payam Siyari, Senior Data Scientist, Aurora Innovation, Inc.
  171. Paymon Rokni, Sr. Software Development Manager, Amazon
  172. Pedram, Automation Engineer
  173. Pooya Esfandiar, Software Engineering Manager, UBC CS alumnus
  174. pouriya jahanbakhsh, Software Developer, Software developer
  175. Pratyay Mukherjee, Researcher, Visa Research
  176. Rad Akefirad, Software Engineer
  177. Ram Shankar S Siva Kumar, Principal Program Manager, Microsoft, Berkman Klein Center at Harvard University
  178. Ramis Movassagh, Research Staff Member, IBM Research
  179. Razieh Behjati, Senior Software Engineer, PhD, Google
  180. Reza Arbabi, Director of Software Engineering
  181. Reza Fathzadeh, Software Engineer, Data Analyst
  182. Robert McKeon Aloe Ph.D., Engineering Manager, Apple Engineer
  183. Robert V. Welland, Software Architect, Worked at Commodore, Apple, Microsoft, etc.
  184. Roberto Bifulco, Manager and researcher, NEC Laboratories Europe
  185. Rohini Jayanthi, Data & Applied Scientist, Microsoft
  186. Rohit Kumar, Consultant, VoiceThesis LLC
  187. Roozbeh Ebrahimi, Senior Staff Software Engineer, Google
  188. Rose Kue, Designer, ADP
  189. Roshanak Akram, Data Scientist, Pilot Company
  190. Roya Pakzad, Researcher in Technology and Human Rights, Taraaz
  191. Saeid Ghafouri, Vice President, Sales Operations, Work at Alphawave IP Inc.
  192. Saeid Rezaei Baghbidi, Software Engineer
  193. Saeid Rezaei, Hardware Engineer
  194. Sahand Akbari, Data Scientist, Unity Technologies
  195. Sam Harris, High School Computer Science Teacher, Montclair Kimberley Academy
  196. Sara Ahmadian, senior research scientist, google research
  197. Sasan Tavakkol, Software Engineer, Google Research
  198. Satnam Singh, Software Engineer, Google Research
  199. Seyed Alaie, Research Scientist, Research Scientist
  200. Seyed Hossein Mortazavi, Ph.D in Computer Science, University of Toronto
  201. Seyed Mohammad Hossein Hamidi
  202. Shaban Shakoori, Broker, Professional
  203. Shahab Kamali, Researcher, Google Research
  204. Shahab Tajik, Software Engineer
  205. Shahab Yassemi, Software Engineer, Amazon
  206. Shanthi Sekaran, Author
  207. Shervin Minaee, Machine Learning Lead, Snap Inc
  208. Shirin Sohrabi Araghi, Research Scientist, Research Manager, IBM Research
  209. Shohreh Shaghaghian, Senior Research Scientist, Thomson Reuters Labs
  210. Siavash Khallaghi, Machine Learning Engineer, DarkVision Technologies
  211. Sina Mobasher Moghaddam, Hardware Engineer, PhD, Apple
  212. Skyler Wharton, Software Engineer
  213. Soheil Baharian, Senior Data Scientist, PhD in physics (UIUC), Bank of Canada
  214. Somayeh Khiyabani, Staff Engineer, Qualcomm
  215. Soroosh Yazdani, Software Engineer, Google
  216. Stephanie Chan, Research Scientist, DeepMind
  217. Su Lin Blodgett, Postdoctoral researcher, Microsoft Research
  218. Surush Cyrus, Software Engineer
  219. Tahereh Javaheri, PhD, Boston University, visiting researcher
  220. Tim Prince, Software Engineer
  221. Timnit Gebru, Dr. Researcher
  222. Vahab Mirrokni, Distinguished Scientist, Google Research
  223. Vahid Arbab, Data Scientist, Hulu
  224. Vahid Ettehadi, Machine learning scientist
  225. Vahid Hashemian, Software Engineer
  226. Vahid Hejazi, Senior Scientist
  227. Vasundhara Gautam, Speech Recognition Engineer, Dialpad, Inc.
  228. Victor Zakhary, PhD, Senior Member of technical staff, Oracle
  229. Virginia Grande, PhD candidate, Uppsala University
  230. Wayne W Zachary, PhD, Managing Parter and CEO, Starship Health Technologies LLC
  231. Yasaman Sedaghat, Software Engineer
  232. Yue Feng, Software Engineer
  233. Zahra Nazari, Research Scientist, Spotify
  234. Zahra Shamsi, Software Engineer, Google Research

=================================================
https://www.cs.huji.ac.il/item/news/6803

The Rachel and Selim Benin School of Computer Science and Engineering at the Hebrew University
Congratulations to Prof. Jeffrey Ullman from Stanford University on winning the Turing prize

6/4/21

Congratulations to Prof. Jeffrey Ullman from Stanford University on winning the Turing prize (joint with Alfred Aho)!
Prof. Ullman received this award, often called the Nobel prize of CS, for his work on fundamental algorithms and theory underlying programming language implementation and for synthesizing these results and others in highly influential books, which educated generations of computer scientists.
Prof. Ullman is also a generous benefactor to our department, and his help is instrumental in providing student stipends, and supporting the Data and Computing Center.

Our heartiest Mazal Tov!  

==================================================
https://www.chronicle.com/article/iranian-american-group-calls-on-stanford-to-censure-professor/

Iranian-American Group Calls on Stanford to Censure Professor

By Josh KellerJANUARY 5, 2011

An Iranian-American group has asked Stanford University to censure a professor for what it calls “racially discriminatory and inflammatory” comments to an Iranian student who was asking him about admission to Stanford.

The professor, Jeffrey D. Ullman, wrote in an e-mail to a student at Sharif University in Tehran that he could not help the student gain admission to Stanford. “And even if I were in a position to help, I will not help Iranian students until Iran recognizes and respects Israel as the land of the Jewish people,” Mr. Ullman wrote.

The e-mail continued, “If Iranians want the benefits of Stanford and other institutions in the U.S., they have to respect the values we hold in the U.S., including freedom of religion and respect for human rights.”

The group, the National Iranian American Council, cited the e-mail in a letter to Stanford’s president on Monday. In the letter, the group calls on the university to distance itself from the comments and take disciplinary action against the professor. It also objects to a document about Iran and Israel that Mr. Ullman has posted on his faculty Web site.

“Racial and political discrimination such as this surely cannot be compatible with Stanford University’s values,” wrote the group’s policy director, Jamal Abdi. “Does the university not frown on professors making and communicating arbitrary policy decisions reflecting their own politics—and using university-hosted forums to do so?”

A Stanford spokeswoman said on Wednesday that Mr. Ullman has no involvement in the admissions process and that he does not represent Stanford. “He’s expressing his personal opinion and that’s his prerogative,” said the spokeswoman, Lisa Lapin. “We don’t have anything further to say about it.”

In an interview, Mr. Ullman acknowledged writing the e-mail but called the group’s claims “so freaking ridiculous.” He said he was expressing a political view about the actions of the Iranian government, and that Iranians need to know that “nobody’s going to treat them very kindly if the country behaves the way it does.”

  He said he should have made it clearer in his e-mail that he was expressing his own view, not an official Stanford policy. “But it should be pretty obvious that I’m not a Stanford admissions officer,” he said.===============================================================================
https://web.archive.org/web/20061030080448/http:/infolab.stanford.edu/~ullman/pub/iranian.html

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Answers to All Questions Iranian

Every few weeks I get an email from someone claiming to live in Iran. They usually have a Hotmail account or Yahoo mail account; some even managed to get a gmail account. They have a question for me, ranging from technical (“Is it true that all grammars can be put in an unambiguous form?”, “Is there a theory that information can be neither created nor destroyed?”) to the political (“Why did the US shoot down an Iranian airliner/take land from Native Americans/Depose Mossadegh, etc. etc.?”, or “How do I justify ‘Zionist crimes’, etc.?”).

I’m not sure why I get these, or whether other academics get them as well. I have a theory that there is a concerted attempt by some Iranian group to probe for friends in the US or elsewhere. I would be interested to know if others have experienced the same sort of email-writing campaign that I have. Possibly, the Article on Fundamentalism that I wrote is circulated in Iran. One correspondent commented “It is well known that I hate Iranians,” even though the article doesn’t mention Iran explicitly, and I actually have no such feelings. I do believe that the fundamentalist government of Iran is a huge problem, both to its own people and to the world. But the people are just fine, when allowed to participate in a free society.

So in order to save everybody a lot of time, I’m going to write down the answers to representative questions.

Question: Can I get into Stanford?

Answer: Probably not. At least I can’t help you. Admissions for undergraduates are not handled by faculty at Stanford or any US school. For graduate work, a committee of faculty and students selects admittees. The process is honest and fair; no faculty member can or would influence the process. See More on the Subject.

Question: Why did the US shoot down an Iranian airliner?

Answer: Did you know that at the time, Iran was threatening US shipping in the Persian Gulf? Were you told that the airliner was not carrying a transponder to identify it, and had taken off from a military airport? When a country such as Iran takes warlike actions, unfortunately mistakes happen. Had you been in command of the American ship involved, you could not have risked a sneak attack and would have done exactly the same thing.

Question: Why did the US take land from the Native Americans?

Answer: Because that’s the way things happen and always have happened. Technologically more advanced civilizations replace less advanced civilizations. I have a question of my own, which none of my Iranian correspondents was willing or able to answer. About 2500 years ago, there was a great Persian civilization. I have a suspicion that the people of Cyrus, Darius, and the other famous Persian kings were not living in Persia from the time of Homo Habilis. Where did the Persians come from, and whom did they replace? And why didn’t they respect the rights of the weaker civilization that was living on the land that is now Iran?

It is striking that Iranians have no trouble pointing to questionable actions of America and the rest of the free world, yet they give themselves, and Islamic terrorists in general, a free pass for much more heinous crimes. As a start, look at the first act of the fundamentalists in Iran: holding hostage the US diplomatic corps. Contrast that blatant violation of international law and tradition with the way America treated Japanese diplomats after the sneak attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941. Diplomats were permitted to return home, as we were obliged in 1941 to do, and as Iran was obliged in 1979 to do. To make the contrast more extreme — the Japanese ambassador had been instructed by his government to present a declaration of war an hour before the Pearl-Harbor attack. But he neglected to do so!

Even more telling is the Iranian ranting over the fact that in the recent conflict between Israel and the Iranian-sponsored Hizbollah militia, Israel accidentally killed some civilians that Hizbollah was using as human shields. Yet at the same time, Iran provided missles whose sole purpose was to kill civilians. I think it is time that Iran looked into its own sense of ethics, and cleaned up its own act before presuming to tell the rest of the world about right and wrong.

Question: Why did the CIA depose Mossadegh in 1953?

Answer: As I understand it, Mossadegh nationalized the oil resources that had been developed by US and other Western oil companies. It is an interesting question whether natural resources should belong to the people who accidentally built homes on top of it, or to the people whose technology made it possible to extract those resources. I suspect that in 1953 the answer was clearly the latter, but as time went on, political philosophy went toward the former. Thus, seeing the events of 1953 through modern eyes, it looks different from what it was in its time. Regardless, if a country wants to import technology, as every developing nation should, it has to acknowledge the rule of law and respect its agreements with the companies that supply the technology. The penalty for not doing so is that the country will not have access to technology, and it appears that Iran is suffering from exactly that problem today.

Question: Why didn’t the US stop the Rwandan genocide (or other similar events)?

Answer: Curiously, Iran and many countries object to the US playing “policeman” for the world. Yet alone among countries, the US sometimes uses its resources to help countries when there is no benefit to us whatsoever. There are examples ranging from the Marshall plan in Europe after WW-II, to Kuwait and Kosovo. Where was Iran? Where is everybody now, when Arabs are killing and raping in Darfur?

Question: What do I think of Zionist crimes (sic)?

Answer: If you are referring to the actions of the state of Israel, I don’t see Israel as acting in a criminal way, given the circumstances. Rather, the criminals are Hamas, Hizbollah, and all the other Islamic terrorist groups that intentionally target innocent civilians rather than welcoming Israel into their midst. They could be having the benefits of a neighbor that is adept at modern, Western technology and is generous enough to share its advantages with friendly neighbors. It is not a crime for Israel, or any other country, to defend itself to the maximum extent possible from those sworn to kill its citizens.

I think that Iranians, from their president on down, could use a history lesson. Here are the relevant facts:

  • Jews have lived in the land that is now Israel for the past 3000 years. However, the Jewish population started to increase in the 1800’s, when Jews bought the land from its owners under Ottoman law. Nothing was stolen, and the influx of Jews was not a result of the Balfour declaration in 1917 or actions of the European powers. In fact, Great Britain acted to keep Jews out of the land of Israel prior to 1948. So when your president rants that the Holocaust was imaginary, tell him that, not only is he wrong, but it doesn’t matter. That is not why Israel exists.
  • Israel was formed by vote of the UN and has all the legitimacy of any other member of the UN. The notion that Arabs were pushed out of the land of Israel is nonsense. There was an exchange of populations similar to what had happened the year before when India and Pakistan were partitioned. In each case, I am sure that people on both sides chose to move because they preferred to be with their coreligionists. It may be that some of the 700,000 Jews who left Arab lands feared for their safety had they stayed, and it may be that some of the 600,000 Arabs who left Israel believed that they would be harmed if they stayed there. However, it is ridiculous to imagine that the motivations were different for these Arabs from what they were for the Moslems who left India for Pakistan (foolishly, it turns out — a secular, democratic state takes care of its people much better than a theocratic state), or the Hindus who left Pakistan, or the Jews who left Arab lands. The bottom line: there is neither precedent for, nor justification for, the “right of return” of Palestinians to the homes they chose to abandon for foolish reasons.
  • Immediately after its creation, Israel was attacked by Arab armies from countries 150 times its size. These Arab armies were crushed, and Arab land was lost, resulting in the “1967 borders.”
  • Although Arabs could have had the 1967 borders any time up to 1967, simply by making peace with Israel, they did not do so. Rather, they kept up terror attacks from wherever they could launch them, and many Israelis were killed by Nobel Laureate Yasser Arafat and his crew. It is important to bear this fact in mind, when you hear apologists for terror saying that it is justified by the fact that Israel won’t return to its 1967 borders. The real reason for the terror is that Islamic fundamentalists cannot accept a non-Moslem state in territory they fantacize belongs to them.
  • After 1967, Arabs attacked again in 1973 and were again beaten back. Over the past 20 years terrorist groups have launched several campaigns against Israel, and have had to be beaten back by attacking where they live. Like the cowards of Hizbollah, they hide behind their own children and their neighbors’ children in order to make it appear that it is the Israelis who are committing crimes. However, if you think about it, there is no other possible response to terrorists who hide among civilians (negotiating with terrorists just guarantees that the more vicious and irresponsible a group behaves, the more power it has to influence events). It is the responsibility of those around them to round them up and control them. If not, one should never blame the victim of terror for fighting back in the only way victims of this “asymmetric warfare” can.

So instead of crying about “Zionist crimes,” I strongly recommend that our Iranian friends look into the crimes of the Islamists among them and the Islamists that Iran sponsors.

Question: Why won’t Israel compromise?

Answer: I never did find out what sort of compromise this questioner had in mind, but the answer is that of course Israel will compromise. In the year 2000, Israel offered to give back 98% of what the Arabs had lost in 1967. However, the compromise should take into account the three generations of hostility that has come from Israel’s neighbors, and the fact that Israel has been victorious in all these actions. The proper comparison is what happened after World Wars I and II (or any other major war, I would imagine). The victor gets to determine the compromise. Look at what happened to Germany. They shrunk after WW-I and again after WW-II. But what remains is a prosperous, proud country. Look what happened to Japan after WW-II. They lost territory too, but came to be a dominant economic power.

I cannot speak for Israel, but I strongly believe that if the Arabs would offer a settlement that gave Israel a little extra land in compensation for the repeated aggressions of Arabs, and if the Islamic community would sincerely agree to drop the idea that there is something wrong with a democratic, non-Moslem state in the Middle East, then I think the rewards would actually flow to the Arab neighbors. Germany and Japan are excellent examples of what could happen. But while Germany and Japan had their own technology base on which to build after WW-II, in the case of Israel and its neighbors, the Israeli technology base would prove an added benefit to the Arabs. One of the great shames of Islamic fundamentalism is that it neglects to develop a technologically capable population. In the modern world, the benefits of “keeping up” are enormous. Israel could help its neighbors catch up with all the third-world countries that are now beginning to grow modern economies. But the choice is with the Moslem world: continue to wallow in self-pity, while patting yourselves on the back for your “piety,” or realize that the world today is not the world of Mohammed, and you need to throw off the yoke of religious extremism and get to work.

Question: Do I think Iran is trying to develop nuclear weapons?

Answer: Of course. The proof is that oil-fired power plants are much safer than nuclear plants, as we saw at Chernobl, just to mention the most devastating case. Iran has plenty of oil and does not need to take the risk of developing nuclear power plants.

Iran’s drive for nuclear weapons puts into clear focus the foolishness of the mullahs who rule the country. When the Shah was calling the shots, he spent oil money to send Iran’s best and brightest to the US for a technical education. As soon as the mullahs took over, that all stopped, and Iran has done nothing to build a modern technology-based economy the way so many countries have done with a boost from US education. Unlike many of these countries, which are not blessed with copious oil revenue by the way, Iran has spent its money on incredibly stupid projects. Every Iranian must realize that should they ever build and use a nuclear weapon, the country would be obliterated in the next hour. So nuclear weapons will not enable you to be taken seriously on the world stage; only a strong technology base and an inventive people who contribute solutions to the great problems of the day can do that.

Perhaps worse, what money you are not spending on nuclear-weapons development is being spent equally unwisely. Recall the Chinese proverb about “give a man a fish and he’ll eat for a day; teach him to fish and he’ll eat for a lifetime.” What you are doing is definitely giving out fish. As mentioned above, you are failing to invest in the best available education for your brightest citizens. Worse, look at how you spend your money in Lebanon, and to an extent Gaza, Judea, and Samaria. You hand out charity to let Islamic fundamentalist parties gain supporters, but you never do anything to educate these people or help make them self-sufficient. You give them expensive missles to commit murder. Then, when their nonsense backfires (and even Nasrallah has admitted he made a big mistake), you throw more money at them to clean up the destruction, all the time claiming it is Israel’s fault for defending itself. No; it is your fault for choosing to start trouble with the very money that could have meant a better life for the poor of Iran or — should you choose to donate some of the money — poor people in places like Lebanon.

===================================https://www.acm.org/response-to-letter

Response to the Open Letter from CSForInclusion to the Committee of the ACM A.M. Turing Award and ACM

ACM promotes the exchange of ideas and freedom of thought and expression as central to the aims and goals of ACM. Achieving these goals requires an environment that recognizes the inherent worth of every person and every group. ACM’s commitment to diversity and inclusion is explicit in ACM’s Core Values statement, in the efforts of the ACM Diversity and Inclusion Council, and in the ACM Code of Ethics and Professional Conduct.

Even with the best of intentions, however, the processes in place may not always guarantee we explicitly consider these goals in every step or action ACM takes. When we become aware of the need to improve processes, we do it. The Statement on the Selection of Jeffrey Ullman for a Turing Award affords such an opportunity by raising two important issues for ACM regarding our commitment to core values and ethical and professional behavior in the ACM awards program. We address these issues below.

  1. Report on the specifics surrounding this nomination, especially the extent of checks and balances that are in place to ensure that the process of awarding the highest distinction in computing is protected against violations of the ACM mission and its core values.

    Response: ACM, the ACM Awards Committee Co-Chairs, and the ACM Turing committee members first became aware of the statements of Jeffrey Ullman when the social media discussion began after the 2020 A. M. Turing Award was announced. As part of the Awards process, ACM routinely checks whether we have received any complaints about award nominees with respect to ACM’s Code of Ethics or other policies. In this case, we determined that no complaints had ever been filed against Jeffrey Ullman. ACM also relied on the submitted nomination package and carefully evaluated the letters provided by the nominator and the endorsers to assess the candidate’s worthiness for an award. No red flags were raised in the nomination package.
  2. Clarity from ACM on establishing compliance with its core values, particularly on D & I standards, as an explicit criterion for receiving this award. If not, transparently state that behaviors that directly damage inclusivity and diversity in the computing field are not relevant in the criteria listed by ACM for this award.

    Response: The Selection Criteria  for the A.M. Turing Award emphasize technical achievement and lasting impact. ACM has already begun to design a process that explicitly takes ACM values into account in all award decisions. We will continue to check into the professional background of award nominees. Recognizing that ACM might not have access to all such information, we will enhance the nomination form beginning with the next ACM awards cycle later this year. Award Nominators and Endorsers will be required to indicate whether they know of any ACM Code of Ethics violations or behavior inconsistent with ACM values, and any positive responses will initiate further examination of the suitability of the candidate for the award. We will publish full details about this process for ACM awards before the next award cycle begins.

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 About this captureIf you are reading my pages with an eye to engaging in the NIAC vendetta, please be advised that I will not read your email, but I will archive it in case I decide later that I need to take legal action or turn the matter over to the police.

Also, please read the document carefully, and do not take Mr. Hojabri’s bizarre interpretation seriously. In particular, I have been accused of “racism” on the basis of my document, which is an absurd conclusion. Rather, as my email mentioned by Hojabri stated, I would (hypothetically) elect not to help a student from Iran gain admission to Stanford ahead of more qualified students, were such a thing possible (which it is not). It is my choice, after all, and my reasons are purely political. I suspect that many NIAC members boycott Israeli products, regardless of whether the manufacturer supports the present Israeli government (and they act in the real world, not my hypothetical world). Are they guilty of racism?

To make Mr. Hojabri’s misreading of my article even more ridiculous, the end of the second paragraph clearly states my admiration for Iranian students I have known at Stanford. Stanford policy, as well as my own ethics, dictates that all Stanford students in my classes or who come in contact with me in any way are treated in a uniform matter. In fact, when I grade my class, I do so from a spreadsheet that omits names, leaving only scores. That protects me from inadvertently downgrading a student for any reason (e.g., they’ve been obnoxious in class), not just their race, gender, or ethnicity.=============================================
https://web.archive.org/web/20200213142924/http://infolab.stanford.edu/~ullman/niac.html

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 About this captureThere is apparently a group on Facebook, the redundantly named “National Iranian-American Council” (NIAC), that has started a vendetta against me. I’m not on Facebook, so I can’t see for certain, but here’s an excerpt from my Wikipedia page as of 5:39PM Tuesday the 5th of January, 2011. There is apparently one of these little wars in cyberspace going on, where part of NIAC’s game is to edit in ridiculous accusations about what I said or believe, so if you view the page, you might get something entirely different. The following was apparently written by a member of a group that endeavors to monitor the activities of NIAC, and I appreciate their support.

In 2011, Ullman has come under fire for making allegedly discriminatory, anti-Iranian remarks through email correspondence and web postings, as was the opinion of the bullying group NIAC (National Iranian American Council).

In one email to an Iranian graduate student, the professor responded to an inquiry about admission to his department saying, “Even if I were in a position to help, I will not help Iranian students until Iran recognizes and respects Israel as the land of the Jewish people.” The professor went on to write, “If Iranians want the benefits of Stanford and other institutions in the US, they have to respect the values we hold in the US.” (See http://infolab.stanford.edu/~ullman/pub/iranian.html)

The professor’s courageous public Stanford website includes a page entitled “Answers to All Questions Iranian,” in which he expresses his political views on questions such as why the US shot down an Iranian airliner in the 1988 or why the CIA deposed Iranian Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh in 1953. The page, written as a series of questions from Iranians with answers from the professor that he receives repeatedly via email, also includes the question, “Can I get into Stanford?” with the honest response, “Probably not. At least I can’t help you. Admissions for undergraduates are not handled by faculty at Stanford or any US school. For graduate work, a committee of faculty and students selects admittees. The process is honest and fair; no faculty member can or would influence the process.”

Iranian Americans, notably Dr. Fredun Hojabri, the former Professor and Academic-Vice Chancellor of Sharif university of Technology, have raised the situation with Stanford in public without discussing this with Ullman first in a bullying campaign. NIAC condemned the allegedly “racially discriminatory and inflammatory public communications” in a letter to Stanford’s president in public. The National Iranian American Council called for Stanford, which is home to a large population of Iranian and Iranian-American students, to clarify the university’s position regarding the remarks and to take disciplinary measures, without first talking to Ullman.

Apparently much of the fuss has centered around the possibility that I was, in the quoted email about “If Iranians want the benefits…,” speaking for Stanford. It is an absurd conclusion, given that I also comment on “all US institutions,” and surely no one believes I speak for the entire academic community. However, I probably should have prefixed the comment with “in my opinion.” Emails are written quickly, and it is incredibly silly for the NIAC people to react this way without even asking what I meant.

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https://web.archive.org/web/20061030075847/http://infolab.stanford.edu/~ullman/pub/fundamentalism.html

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 About this capture

Some Thoughts on the Bombings of Sept. 11

Jeffrey D. Ullman — 10/30/01; later additions

Like everyone, I’ve been quite affected by the attacks apparently perpetrated by fundamentalists on 9/11/01. I’d like to set down a few thoughts, none of which are remarkable or original, but I’ll feel better putting them in print. Feel free to email me with your own point of view on the various subjects covered below. However, be warned that I reserve the right to make your email available on the Web, link to it, and comment upon it.

1. Fundamentalism

Just prior to the millenium, I was polled by a magazine about a number of questions I really couldn’t answer, like what will the world be like in 1000 years? The one question to which I felt I could respond was “What is the greatest danger in the world today?” My answer: Fundamentalism.

Fundamentalism is a belief that the world is not complex, but really simple if you follow the simplistic ideas of the group at hand. Many religions foster a fundamentalist offshoot; it’s not an Islamic thing. In fact, it’s not always a religious thing, and we see fundamentalism in various guises. It is always characterized, as the name implies, by a set of assumptions that are not open to debate and that trump all other concerns. The most insidious of these assumptions is that there is a supreme being who believes and wishes exactly what the fundamentalist group in question believes. You can’t argue with them, you can’t reason with them, and if you disagree with them, they have a “big brother” who will beat you up.

Right now, the Islamic fundamentalists have center stage. But we should never forget that there are other fundamentalist groups out there, such as the Christian fundamentalists in the US or the ultra-orthodox Jewish fundamentalists. And while they differ on their fundamental, nonnegotiable views of the world, they each claim a right to impose their simplistic view on the general population, without the normal constraints, such as respect for life, that apply to people without an imagined mandate from some god. Notice that the anti-abortion fundamentalists share with the perpetrators of the bombings of Sept. 11 a willingness to kill and to bomb, e.g., abortion clinics. Yes, I know that in each case, it is only a small minority of the adherents who kill. But in each case the fundamental assumptions, and the assumed undeniability of those assumptions, are used to justify murder.

In fact, the second most disgusting story of the week of Sept. 11 was Jerry Falwell announcing that the bombings were really a punishment from his god for our tolerance of people or positions he disagrees with, such as feminism or homosexuality. Nice going, Jerry. Thanks for reminding us that the healthy feeling of unity and solidarity among all kinds of Americans doesn’t apply to people who don’t meet your Procrustean standard of permissible behavior.

Even those fundamentalists who do not consider murder an appropriate method of carrying out their god’s wishes commit a crime of a more subtle nature. They limit the options their children have to create their own lives and to choose their own futures. (Thanks to my wife Holly for pointing out what should have been obvious to me.) The Taliban makes sure that women receive no useful education; so do the Jewish ultra-orthodox. Christian fundamentalists are big on “home-schooling,” to make sure their children are not exposed to ideas with which they disagree. To be honest, I am uncertain how one goes about assuring that children have opportunities. There are great dangers in having a state decide the set of ideas to which children need to be exposed. However, I also believe that the only long-term solution to the scourge of fundamentalism is broad educational opportunities and exposure of all children everywhere to the mix of possible ways to view a complex world.

Added 8/2/04: It’s been almost 3 years, and our President has evidently not yet seen the contradiction of fighting Islamic fundamentalism on one hand and leaping into bed with Christian fundamentalists on the other. In addition to muddling the war on terrorism, he has continued to support the Christian-fundamentalist agenda against abortion, gay marriage, and most ludicrously against stem-cell research. His lack of thought and reasoning points up another common property of fundamentalisms: they are frequently based on an interpretation of ancient text written by someone who could not possibly understand modern issues. Moreover, this interpretation is often the work of a modern “thinker” with an ax to grind. Ask yourself realistically: what would Moses have thought of stem-cell research? Did Jesus think that cold callers could enter the kingdom of heaven? What part of a spammer’s anatomy would Mohammed have advised cutting off? The answer, of course, is that none of these guys had any clue about these or other issues that have surfaced since they wrote. Unfortunately, we have in the United States today a leadership that fantacizes answers to these questions based on the writings of people who had no clue about the questions, let alone the answers.

2. Recommended Reading

A few weeks ago, we were cleaning house and a book called Big Trouble by Dave Barry surfaced. Barry’s books are very funny, so I read it. As soon as I finished, I learned that it was about to be released as a movie. But it’s never going to play in theaters, at least not for quite a while. However, I recommend the book highly, even if it does include episodes such as bad guys taking a nuclear weapon through an airport security check by waiting while all the guards converge on a businessman carrying a laptop.

Added 4/12/02: The movie has reemerged, although I have not seen it. I’m willing to bet that they redid it to soft-peddle Barry’s satire of the foolish security guards that concentrate on people that are obviously not the problem.

3. The Palestinians

Will the Palestinians finally forsake terror as a political approach and start building both better lives for themselves and a better relationship with their Israeli neighbors? We should not forget that Israel, a country with about 1.5% of the US population, suffers due to terrorist attacks a proportional World-Trade-Center bombing every 3 months. Somehow the world largely failed to notice or care, or equated random acts against civilians with carefully targeted military action. Suddenly the world comprehends that the Israeli approach to fighting terror is not a defect of character but is the only possible response other than surrender.

Let’s remember that the last attempt to build a peace fell apart when, after being given essentially everything they want short of the dismantling of the Jewish state, the Palestinian side suddenly demanded that millions of their number be allowed to live in Israel itself. A few historical facts and comparisons:

  • The Palestinian refugees fled Israel in 1948 as the result of a war imposed on Israel by six or seven Arab neighbors, with 150 times the population. The Arabs at that time not only failed to drive the Jews out, but they lost ground, and the “refugees” voluntarily fled from the ground they lost. Arabs have chosen to keep these people in camps as a festering sore.
  • At the same time, a roughly equal number of Jews fled from Arab lands to Israel. In contrast, these refugees were welcomed and integrated into the new state. No Arab state has offered any compensation for the property they lost.
  • Additional territory was lost in 1967, when Egypt blockaded the Israeli port of Eilat and Syria bombarded Israel from the Golan Heights, leading to an Israeli response that put an end to both these aggressions.
  • Compare the situation when India and Pakistan were divided. There, 40,000,000 people moved across the border to the side they preferred. All were accommodated on “their” side and not used as hostages by their own people to support territorial claims on the other side.
  • Added 5/11/02: Another interesting comparison is with what happened between Greece and Turkey in 1922. The Greeks suddenly had to resettle 1.5 million people, and did so without using them as hostages for political gain. An old friend has written an Account of the Events as told to him by his Mother, who was one of those relocated. Added 4/2/05: I received an email from Okan Kolak, a student at U. Maryland, who points out that there were also half a million refugees from Greek lands who suddenly had to resettle in Turkey. It was never my intent to suggest that the problem was one-sided. My informant tells me that the Turkish refugees were also “assimilated into the general population over time.” Again, there was no notion of “right of return,” a concept that seems unique to the Palestinians, among all historially known resettlements of refugees.
  • Added 9/16/02: I was reading The Middle East by Bernard Lewis (Simon and Schuster, 1995), and he tells what happened in the early days of the Islamic Jihad. The conquering Arabs took the land all over the Middle East from its rightful owners. They also took the women, and largely bred out of existence the indigenous populations. This is the land that Palestinians now protest so vehemently belongs to them, rather than the people their ancestors took it from.
  • Mr. bin Laden and other pro-Arab polemicists would have you believe that the land of Israel is really “Islamic territory” stolen by the Jews. The fact is that in the mid 19th century, the land was essentially unpopulated desert. Of the people living there, a substantial portion were Jews, as had been the case throughout recorded history with a few brief periods when Jews were evicted by the Babylonians, and then the Romans. In mid 19th century, European Jews, bringing the best agricultural technology of the day bought land from its rightful owners, and proceeded to reforest the land and to create agricultural settlements. These developments brought an influx of Moslems into the land, especially after the famine of 1905. It is mostly the descendants of these immigrants who are portrayed by the anti-Israel forces as the “original inhabitants of the land.” It ain’t so.

So here’s what I hope could happen:

  1. Mr. Arafat gets serious about controlling the criminals in his own country, and prevents them from attacking another. He rearrests the known terrorists whom he let out of jail to further his chosen brand of “warfare.”
  2. He accepts the consequences of two generations of mismanagement of the refugees and of the Arab relationship with Israel, and does not expect more than other states have gotten in similar circumstances.
  3. The quarter of a billion dollars under the control of Mr. bin Laden is identified and turned over to the Palestinians, to start building a new life for these unfortunates. Build a few chip plants. Or how about a few universities that compare to the Israeli schools, to create a population that sustains a prosperous country? And how about big contributions from the Saudis and other oil kingdoms, and from all the Arab countries that allowed the Palestinians to fester in their “refugee camps,” both before and after they fell under Israeli control?

4. Avoid a Two-Front War

I predict that the “war on drugs” is going to get in the way of the war on terrorism. For a simple example, the first time I traveled to Israel, I was surprised when check-in included a search of my bags. It was explained that they were not looking for drugs or import violations, and even if they found such, they would not report it or make note of it. They did, however, demand to search for the sole purposes of security.

For another example: poppies are a principal crop of Afghanistan. If we want the friendship of the typical Afghani — and I hope our leaders realize that we can’t possibly win the war without winning friends — we can’t also try to eradicate a major source of their wealth. We can deal with the problem at the consumption end if we must, but let’s not get confused where our real interests lie. Aside Re DrugsAdded 4/12/02: Well the war in Afghanistan turned out better than I would have expected. The city folks, at least, seemed genuinely happy to be rid of the fundamentalist regime. But wouldn’t you know it — with all the other problems the Karzai government is facing, they have to start arresting the poppy farmers. I suspect US pressure is behind it; Hamid Karzai comes across as a pretty sensible guy. I have an idea. Leave the Afghani farmers alone, let them earn a little hard currency, and start arresting tobacco farmers in North Carolina instead. They sell a substance that is far more deadly, and they export their trouble around the world. (Thanks to Stu Reges for making me see the contradiction between how we treat the tobacco industry and the “drug” industry.)

The new issue is with the obvious need for integrating information sources of all kinds, such as credit-card and bank transactions, phone calls, enrollments in flight schools, purchases of crop-dusting equipment and a million things I can’t think of that, in the hands of a skilled analyst, could pinpoint a terror plot. However, in order to justify this step as a war measure, we need to make sure it is never used to track drug dealers, or develop evidence of infidelity, embezzlement, or any other crime that is not an act of war against this or another country. Apparently the Israelis have managed to keep the two separate, and we can too, if we have the will to do so. Added 5/14/02: It’s as bad as I feared. Dionne Warwick was busted at a security checkpoint for carrying marijuana in a lipstick case (note to self: find out why her “psychic-friends” network didn’t warn her). And a guy carrying grass was caught and claimed (falsely) that he had a knife. So what do our defenders of public safety and morality do? They shut down the terminal for three hours and rescreened everyone. “Procedures,” apparently.

Modern technology has given criminals and terrorists many new and deadly options. Just about the only defensive weapon to come out of the developments of the past 50 years is information technology: our ability to learn electronically what evils are being planned. If we use it wisely, we can keep our personal freedom, yet use information effectively against its enemies.

5. Battle of the Nephews

Added 4/12/02: I heard the following story after writing the original article. It’s hard to know what to make of it, but it is sufficiently weird I think it’s worth telling.

I have a nephew who went to a toney eastern college. He somehow got in with a bad crowd — conservatives who are as foolish for trying to steal our freedom to act as the liberal “political correctness” gang is for trying to control what we are permitted to say or think. Anyway, my Nephew wrote an article for the campus conservative magazine several years ago, advocating the profiling of Arab men at airport security checks.

This article caused a great hue and cry on campus. So great was the righteous indignation that the campus administrators did the only thing a politically correct campus administration could do: they closed down the conservative magazine.

Now here’s the funny part. Who was the leader of the voices raised against my Nephew’s improper thought? Ans.: One of the many nephews of Osama bin Laden.

6. Definition of Terrorism

Added 4/13/02: I received a number of emails arguing that US bombing in Afghanistan, which had the unfortunate effect of sometimes accidentally hitting civilians, or what Israel does to root out terrorists in the Palestinian territories, again sometimes killing civilians among which the terrorists hide, were themselves forms of terrorism. Nope; it ain’t, but the difference is remarkably subtle. Here’s my theory why the killers of 9/11, or the Palestinian suicide/homicide bombers, are different.

First, while it is far from obvious, organized (i.e., nonterrorist) warfare has a peculiar benefit. While our attention gets fixed on the times when nations go to war and on all the stupid devastation that results, we don’t notice the times that the “warfare process” causes a resolution of disputes without bloodshed. That is, there must be far more times when diplomats looked at what the capabilities of the other side were and decided not to go to war, but to resolve the question in the favor of the side that would have won anyway. Curiously, “lesser” species seem to have a better grasp of this idea than we do. It is quite normal for, say, two moose to resolve a dispute by batting horns, and the loser winds up with a headache, instead of dead, as they would if the combat continued to its natural conclusion.

Humans do a certain amount of this demonstrating as well. The USSR was fond of parading its missiles through Moscow, not because everyone loves a parade, but because it reminded other nations of the outcome of attack. The tragedies come when one side does not see the logical outcome of war, which is why making capabilities clear saves lives.

The great flaw of terrorism is that by its nature there can be no posturing, no demonstration of capabilities, no opportunity for two states to consider who could perform the most violent terrorist acts against the other. For example, you may have many suicide/homicide bombers already brainwashed and ready for action. But you can’t parade them through Ramallah. Anybody could dress up carrying real explosives around their waist pretending to be willing to carry out an act of terrorism, but you wouldn’t believe they represented a threat until the threat was carried out.

Thus, while conventional warfare gives the sides an option of reasoning out what the result of war would be, terrorism leaves the combatants with only one option: go at it until one is wiped out. Notice what happened in Israel when the Palestinians demonstrated their misunderstanding of this point. They caused the deaths of many innocent victims, and at the present time they are learning what the only outcome can be: tit-for-tat killings. I wish the Palestinian leaders had been able to think clearly about the inevitable outcome of their choice, and taken the very generous deal that Barak offered them almost two years ago. But I can only grieve for the innocents who never had the opportunity to tell Mr. Arafat not to kill in their name, and who became the victims of the inevitable reprisals caused by terrorism.

7. Report on a Year’s Worth of Comments

Added 9/16/02: I received a number of emails from people who read this article during the first year. Not surprisingly, they were, as far as I can tell, all from Computer Scientists, since no one else would have found it. (Google still lists no links to this document other than from my home page.) The responses generally fell into three categories:

  1. All fundamentalists except my kind of fundamentalist are wrong, so you should change your article to exempt my group.
  2. You are a Zionist pig, and how dare you say all those nasty things about Yasser Arafat et al.
  3. How dare you criticize anti-abortionists.

The first group were typically Jewish ultra-orthodox. For example, one said of my comments that fundamentalists share a common disrespect for the lives of those who disagree with them: “you can’t find any quote or action of any ultra-orthodox person ever suggesting that anybody’s life should be taken in different circumstances than (sic.) the circumstances in which secular individuals would generally justify it.” Well it is true that the Islamic fundamentalists are in a class by themselves in this matter, but I recall living in Jerusalem in 1984, when the ultra-orthodox were throwing rocks through the windshields of cars that drove on the sabbath. They didn’t appear to concern themselves whether they caused an accident that killed the driver, or perhaps some innocent child.

In the second category, the following remark, edited only to correct grammar and spelling, stands out for its subtlety: “if any one believes in what you said, I will call him the most arrogant idiot ignorant Zionist extremist, and racist I have ever seen.” The gentleman was at least polite enough to allow me the “out” of admitting that I didn’t really mean anything I said in this article. This same fellow admonished me to (again, grammar and spelling edited) “Stop using your university resources to impose your political opinions because it is against the constitution to do so.” Apparently this fellow was in the US for some time and was teaching a course at a university, but a few basic concepts of how a democracy works had eluded him.

My favorite of the third category was a fellow who tried to resurrect the old argument that I think was due to Pascal (who when he wasn’t busy inventing programming languages, tried to prove the existence of God). It says basically, that if you follow what he perceives as God’s law — in this case, outlawing abortion — then your downside is limited: a few women have to deal with children they don’t want (his view, not mine). But if you flout God’s law, then the risk is infinite. In Pascal’s terms it was eternal damnation, while in the terms of my correspondent, it was the loss of millions of the souls of fetuses. The fallacy in this sort of argument is that it can apply to absolutely any idea. If God turns out to be a giant chicken, then I would impair my immortal soul to eat at KFC. Are you willing to risk it? As always, its people with these unalterable and undebatable ideas that want you to consider their theology as special and unique.

And curiously, no one was willing to put their arguments in a document that I could link to, although several wanted me to add their thoughts to my own document, which I ain’t gonna do.

==================================================

https://www.cs.bgu.ac.il/~dolev/scharf.html

October 2006

Prof. Jeffrey and Holly Ullman,
decided to support our Computer Science Department

Professor Jeffrey (Stanford University, CA) and Holly Ullman,
in consultation with Professor Shlomi Dolev (BGU),
recently established the Martha and Solomon Scharf Prize
for Developing Excellence in Computer, Communications and
Information Sciences, supporting excellent students.
In addition they will support research activity in the computer science disciplines.

Israeli Academics Sign Petition Calling for the Boycott of Israel

03.06.21

Editorial Note

A new petition by international scholars deserves attention. It states that “In the classroom and on campus, we commit to Pressuring our academic institutions and organizations to respect the Palestinian call for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions of Israel by instating measures that remove complicity and partnership with military, academic, and legal institutions involved in entrenching Israel’s policies.”

The scholars who signed this petition affirm that the Palestinian struggle is an “indigenous liberation movement” that confronts a “settler colonial state” that enacts “policies of apartheid” with a “territorial theft” and “the racial supremacy of Jewish-Zionist nationals.”  This petition argues that Israel is once again “conducting a large-scale aerial bombing campaign against the fourteen-year besieged Gaza Strip, killing scores of Palestinians and making thousands more homeless.”  Any talks about the Hamas rockets reflect the “thorough dehumanization of Palestinians and the abject disregard for Israeli military aggression.”  The scholars promise to “Support community efforts and legislation to pressure our governments to end funding Israeli military aggression.”

The petition states that, since Palestinian scholars work “under the threat of settler colonial erasure and imposition of exile, it is understood that their ideas and experiences are inextricably bound to the intellectual project and tradition that is Palestinian studies.” However, “research and writing are not enough,” having only “Scholarship without action normalizes the status quo and reinforces Israel’s impunity.” Critical theory must be backed with deeds. Therefore, they “affirm that it is no longer acceptable to conduct research in Palestine or on Palestinians without a clear component of political commitment…It is no longer acceptable to speak over Palestinians, or publish without citation of Palestinian scholars.”  

Among the hundreds of signatories are some renowned leaders of the anti-Israel front. They include Noura Erakat; Richard Falk; Haim Bresheeth-Zabner; Moshe Machover; David Lloyd; David Palumbo-Liu; Mark LeVine; Nick Riemer; Ilana Feldman; Adi M. Ophir; Ariella Aisha Azoulay; Beshara Doumani; Ilan Pappe; Nahla Abdo; Ophira Gamliel; Yael Politi; Noa Shaindlinger.

The Israeli signatories from Israeli institutions are Noga Wolff, The College of Management Academic Studies; Ilana Hairston, Tel Hai Academic College; Lama Midlej, Tel Aviv University; Nadeem Karkabi, University of Haifa; Maha El-Taji Daghash, University of Haifa. 

The petition was widely circulated. It reached Jadaliyya, a journal published by the Arab Studies Institute, based in Washington DC and Beirut. It is a non-profit organization that “produces knowledge on matters related to the Arab world and its relations.”

In Ireland, Trinity College Dublin Students’ Union and the Trinity College Dublin BDS campaign group have called their academics to sign this pledge. “A Google Form where staff members can sign the pledge has been sent to all heads of Trinity’s schools,” as reported by the University Times in Ireland. In the US, Newsweek reported that “Hundreds of Princeton Faculty, Students Sign Letter Opposing Israel’s ‘Jewish Supremacy.'”

Surprisingly, however, this petition has even reached the National Chiao Tung University in Taiwan. Their CHCI-Global Humanities Institute on Migration, Logistics and Unequal Citizens in Contemporary Global Context has published this call on their website. This institute is dealing mainly with the international migrations that changed contemporary 21st-century societies, producing cases of massive displaced and precarious lives that impacted local communities.

Once again, the pro-Palestinian activists show their profound bias.  They refuse to acknowledge that Israel has the right to respond, as per international war conventions, to the barrage of missiles that Hamas and Islamic Jihad launched from Gaza. Equally important, the petition advocates for Palestinian supremacy.

The Israeli academics who signed the petition raise another issue. Advocating for BDS is illegal in Israel since the Knesset passed the Law for Prevention of Damage to the State of Israel through Boycott, in 2011. Israeli academics are openly involved with BDS without any reaction from the authorities.  Like any other breach of law, their action deserves scrutiny.   

https://www.jadaliyya.com/Details/42753

Open Letter and Call to Action – Palestine and Praxis: Scholars for Palestinian FreedomBy : Jadaliyya Reports

This is an open call for action issued by the Palestine and Praxis organization. Sign in solidarity here. As scholars, we affirm the Palestinian struggle as an indigenous liberation movement confronting a settler colonial state. The pitched battle in Sheikh Jarrah is the most recent flashpoint in the ongoing Nakba that is the Palestinian condition. Israel has expanded and entrenched its settler sovereignty through warfare, expulsion, tenuous residency rights, and discriminatory planning policies. The ostensible peace process has perpetuated its land grabs and violent displacement under the fictions of temporality and military necessity. Together these policies constitute apartheid, bolstered by a brute force that enshrines territorial theft and the racial supremacy of Jewish-Zionist nationals. And now, as has been the case for over a century, Palestinians continue to resist their removal and erasure.

Palestinian resistance to this eliminatory violence in Sheikh Jarrah and the raids on Al-Aqsa Mosque have catalyzed protests across a violently separated landscape. Palestinians in Lydd, Nazareth, Acre, Haifa and elsewhere have raised Palestinian flags in mass protest affirming the national and singular character of the Palestinian people and their collective call for liberation. Israel is once again conducting a large-scale aerial bombing campaign against the fourteen-year besieged Gaza Strip, killing scores of Palestinians and making thousands more homeless. 

Meanwhile, in the United States, Palestinian death is treated as a byproduct of Israeli vulnerability.  The attempts to transform the conversation on Israeli state violence to a series of stale talking points about Hamas rockets reflect the thorough dehumanization of Palestinians and the abject disregard for Israeli military aggression. For decades, Palestinians have been subjects of academic research that scholars use to understand the functions of settler colonial state power. Yet in moments of crisis, we are humbly reminded that research and writing are not enough. 

As Palestinian scholars write under the threat of settler colonial erasure and imposition of exile, it is understood that their ideas and experiences are inextricably bound to the intellectual project and tradition that is Palestinian studies. Living within a political context that challenges their very existence, it is imperative that we not enact their replacement and erasure within our own scholarship, as Palestinians are barred from the academy. Approaching Palestine as a field of knowledge, rather than a case study or site of theoretical extraction, demands engaging with the intellectual labor of its people as a genealogy of subjugated knowledge in praxis. Resisting their erasure from the historical record requires a citational practice that both names Palestinians as intellectual subjects and challenges the very intellectual discourse that relegates them to the margins.

We recognize our role and responsibility as scholars to theorize, read, and write on the very issues unfolding in Palestine and among all oppressed nations today. Scholarship without action normalizes the status quo and reinforces Israel’s impunity. 

Scholarship must also be ethical by centering decolonization and raising the voices of Palestinian scholars, as well as other interlocutors, so that they remain sources of authority and not merely objects of study. We believe that the critical theory we generate in our literature and in our classrooms must be backed in deed. Therefore, we affirm that it is no longer acceptable to conduct research in Palestine or on Palestinians without a clear component of political commitment. It is no longer acceptable to study one fragment of Palestine, and claim knowledge of the whole. It is no longer acceptable to speak over Palestinians, or publish without citation of Palestinians scholars. Simply put, it is no longer acceptable to treat Palestine as a playground for intellectual curiosity while its fragmented nation continues to struggle for liberation. 

Therefore, we affirm our commitment to the following actions, and we call on our colleagues to join us in our affirmation of the rights and dignity of the Palestinian people and foundational principles of academic integrity. 

  • In the classroom and on campus, we commit to 
    • Pressuring our academic institutions and organizations to respect the Palestinian call for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions of Israel by instating measures that remove complicity and partnership with military, academic, and legal institutions involved in entrenching Israel’s policies. 
    • Supporting student activism on campus, including, but not limited to sponsoring joint events and holding our universities’ accountable for violations of academic freedom. 
    • Highlighting Palestinian scholarship on Palestine in syllabi, our writing, and through invitation of  Palestinian scholars and community members to speak at departmental and university events. 
    • Extending the above approach to any and all indigenous scholars within the university, and any Indigenous communities within the vicinity.
    • Centering Indigenous analyses in teaching and drawing links to intersectional oppression and transnational liberation movements. 
  • In our research, we will actively 
    • Include Palestine as a space and place worthy of substantive and historical integration into critical theory, not only as a case in a list of colonial examples. 
    • Work to engage methods which highlight and elevate the voices and experiences of the places and moments we study over our own positions. 
  • In places where we reside, we will 
    • Support community efforts and legislation to pressure our governments to end funding Israeli military aggression.

===============================================
National Chiao Tung University, Taiwan     

https://ghi2020.web.nctu.edu.tw/palestine-praxis-open-call-and-letter-to-action/
CHCI-GLOBAL HUMANITIES INSTITUTE 2020-2021
Migration, Logistics and Unequal Citizens in Contemporary Global Context

PALESTINE & PRAXIS – Open Call and Letter to Action
2021 年 5 月 24 日 by 0589709 0589709zz1

==============================================
https://palestineandpraxis.weebly.com/

Open Letter and Call to Action
Palestine and Praxis: Open Letter and Call to Action

PALESTINE & PRAXIS

SCHOLARS FOR PALESTINIAN FREEDOM

As scholars, we affirm the Palestinian struggle as an indigenous liberation movement confronting a settler colonial state. The pitched battle in Sheikh Jarrah is the most recent flashpoint in the ongoing Nakba that is the Palestinian condition. Israel has expanded and entrenched its settler sovereignty through warfare, expulsion, tenuous residency rights, and discriminatory planning policies. The ostensible peace process has perpetuated its land grabs and violent displacement under the fictions of temporality and military necessity. Together these policies constitute apartheid, bolstered by a brute force that enshrines territorial theft and the racial supremacy of Jewish-Zionist nationals. And now, as has been the case for over a century, Palestinians continue to resist their removal and erasure.

Palestinian resistance to this eliminatory violence in Sheikh Jarrah and the raids on Al-Aqsa Mosque have catalyzed protests across a violently separated landscape. Palestinians in Lydd, Nazareth, Acre, Haifa and elsewhere have raised Palestinian flags in mass protest affirming the national and singular character of the Palestinian people and their collective call for liberation. Israel is once again conducting a large-scale aerial bombing campaign against the fourteen-year besieged Gaza Strip, killing scores of Palestinians and making thousands more homeless.

Meanwhile, in the United States, Palestinian death is treated as a byproduct of Israeli vulnerability.  The attempts to transform the conversation on Israeli state violence to a series of stale talking points about Hamas rockets reflect the thorough dehumanization of Palestinians and the abject disregard for Israeli military aggression. For decades, Palestinians have been subjects of academic research that scholars use to understand the functions of settler colonial state power. Yet in moments of crisis, we are humbly reminded that research and writing are not enough.

As Palestinian scholars write under the threat of settler colonial erasure and imposition of exile, it is understood that their ideas and experiences are inextricably bound to the intellectual project and tradition that is Palestinian studies. Living within a political context that challenges their very existence, it is imperative that we not enact their replacement and erasure within our own scholarship, as Palestinians are barred from the academy. Approaching Palestine as a field of knowledge, rather than a case study or site of theoretical extraction, demands engaging with the intellectual labor of its people as a genealogy of subjugated knowledge in praxis. Resisting their erasure from the historical record requires a citational practice that both names Palestinians as intellectual subjects and challenges the very intellectual discourse that relegates them to the margins.

We recognize our role and responsibility as scholars to theorize, read, and write on the very issues unfolding in Palestine and among all oppressed nations today. Scholarship without action normalizes the status quo and reinforces Israel’s impunity.

Scholarship must also be ethical by centering decolonization and raising the voices of Palestinian scholars, as well as other interlocutors, so that they remain sources of authority and not merely objects of study. We believe that the critical theory we generate in our literature and in our classrooms must be backed in deed. Therefore, we affirm that it is no longer acceptable to conduct research in Palestine or on Palestinians without a clear component of political commitment. It is no longer acceptable to study one fragment of Palestine, and claim knowledge of the whole. It is no longer acceptable to speak over Palestinians, or publish without citation of Palestinians scholars. Simply put, it is no longer acceptable to treat Palestine as a playground for intellectual curiosity while its fragmented nation continues to struggle for liberation.

Therefore, we affirm our commitment to the following actions, and we call on our colleagues to join us in our affirmation of the rights and dignity of the Palestinian people and foundational principles of academic integrity.

In the classroom and on campus, we commit to

Pressuring our academic institutions and organizations to respect the Palestinian call for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions of Israel by instating measures that remove complicity and partnership with military, academic, and legal institutions involved in entrenching Israel’s policies.
Supporting student activism on campus, including, but not limited to sponsoring joint events and holding our universities’ accountable for violations of academic freedom.
Highlighting Palestinian scholarship on Palestine in syllabi, our writing, and through invitation of  Palestinian scholars and community members to speak at departmental and university events.
Extending the above approach to any and all indigenous scholars within the university, and any Indigenous communities within the vicinity.
Centering Indigenous analyses in teaching and drawing links to intersectional oppression and transnational liberation movements.

In our research, we will actively

Include Palestine as a space and place worthy of substantive and historical integration into critical theory, not only as a case in a list of colonial examples.
Work to engage methods which highlight and elevate the voices and experiences of the places and moments we study over our own positions.

In places where we reside, we will

Support community efforts and legislation to pressure our governments to end funding Israeli military aggression.

Signatories Affiliation/Institution Department   Noura Erakat Rutgers University Africana Studies Sherene Seikaly University of California, Santa Barbara History Nour Joudah University of California, Los Angeles Geography Randa M. Wahbe Harvard University Anthropology Tareq Radi New York University American Studies Mezna Qato University of Cambridge History Dina Omar Yale University Anthropology Samer Anabtawi George Washington University Political Science Lana Tatour University of South Wales School of Social Sciences Basma Hajir University of Cambridge Faculty of Education Samee Sulaiman Brown University Anthropology Rahim Kurwa University of Illinois, Chicago Criminology, Law, and Justice Robin D.G. Kelley UCLA History J. Kēhaulani Kauanui Wesleyan University American Studies and Anthropology Tamar Ghabin New York University American Studies Hesham Sallam Stanford University Omar Jabary Salamanca Free University of Brussels (ULB) Political Science Lisa Hajjar University of California – Santa Barbara Sociology Maya Mikdashi Rutgers University Women, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Nasser Abourahme New York University Paola Rivetti Dublin City University Law and Government Isis Nusair Denison University Women’s and Gender Studies & International Studies Samia Errazzouki University of California, Davis History Rosie Bsheer Harvard University History Abdel Razzaq Takriti University of Houston History Alex Winder Brown University Middle East Studies Dean Itsuji Saranillio New York University Social and Cultural Analysis Sara Awartani Harvard University Charles Warren Center Ebony Coletu Pennsylvania State University African American Studies Marwa Daoudy Georgetown University Center for Contemporary Arab Studies C. Māhealani Ahia University of Hawai’i Mānoa English Kahala Johnson University of Hawai’i Mānoa Political Science Fida Adely Georgetown University Arab Studies, School of Foreign Service George Bisharat UC Hastings College of the Law Law Anthony Alessandrini City University of New York English & Middle Eastern Studies Gina Athena Ulysse University of California, Santa Cruz Feminist Studies Marwa Daoudy Georgetown University Center for Contemporary Arab Studies Francesca Biancani Bologna University Dept of Political and Social Sciences Susan Slyomovics University of California, Los Angeles Anthropology Jemima Pierre UCLA African American Studies & Anthropology Sa’ed Atshan Swarthmore College Peace and Conflict Studies Anny Gaul University of Maryland Arabic Studies Cynthia Franklin U. of Hawai’i English Miriam R Lowi The College of New Jersey Political Science Adel Iskandar Simon Fraser University School of Communication Jenny Kelly University of California, Santa Cruz Feminist Studies and Critical Race and Ethnic Studies Andrew Ross New York University Social and Cultural Analysis Hadeel Assali Columbia University Anthropology Nada Moumtaz University of Toronto Study of Religion Thuy Linh Nguyễn Tu New York University SCA Aisha Mershani Gettysburg College Interdisciplinary Studies David Kanbergs New York University Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies Maryam Griffin University of Washington Bothell School of Interdisciplinary Arts and Sciences Gina Velasco Gettysburg College Women, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Simone Kolysb Hood College Sociology Jennifer Mogannam University of California, Davis Omnia El Shakry University of California, Davis History Stacy D Fahrenthold University of California Davis History Maritza Geronimo University of California, Los Angeles Geography Loubna Qutami UCLA Asian American Studies Kimberly Miranda UCLA Chicana/o and Central American Studies Hanna Alshaikh Harvard University History/Center for Middle Eastern Studies John Smolenski University of California, Davis History Sherine Hamdy University of California, Irvine Anthropology Bayan Abusneineh University of California, San Diego Ethnic Studies Marya Hannun Georgetown University Arabic and Islamic Studies Esmat Elhalaby UC Davis History Samer Alatout University of Wisconsin, Madison Community and Environmental Sociology Kristian E Vasquez UC Santa Barbara Department of Chican@ Studies Ben Weinger UCLA Geography Candace Fujikane University of Hawai’i English Joy L Enomoto University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa Pacific Islands Studies Zakia Salime Rutgers University Women’s Studies Rosalie Rubio George Washington University Political Science Sarah Ihmoud The College of the Holy Cross Sociology and Anthropology Osama Tanous Emory University Public Health Anjali Nath UC Davis Stephen Sheehi William & Mary Decolonizing Humanities Project Qais Assali Vanderbilt University Lara Sheehi George Washington University Clinical Psychology Lieba Faier University of California, Los Angeles Geography Michael Taussig Columbia University Anthropology Osama Abi-Mershed Georgetown University History Rochelle Davis Georgetown University Center for Contemporary Arab Studies Seleeke Flingai Vera Institute of Justice Jeff Jacobs Columbia University Political Science Dina Al-Kassim University of British Columbia Institute for Social Justice Sunaina Maira UC Davis Asian American Studies Adrien Zakar Stanford University History Aamer Ibraheem Columbia University Anthropology Keith Feldman UC Berkeley Ethnic Studies Adam Moore UCLA Geography Charles Hirschkind UC Berkeley Anthropology Sima Shakhsari UMN GWSS Ruba Salih SOAS, University  of London Anthropology and Sociology Ernest Tjia The Pennsylvania State University English/Literary and Cultural Studies Noura Alkhalili Lund University Human Ecology/ Human Geography Rami Salameh Birzeit University Department of Philosophy and Cultural Studies Nadeem Karkabi University of Haifa Anthropology Ziad Abu-Rish Bard College Human Rights and the Arts Adam Hanieh University of Exeter Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies Hana Sleiman University of Cambridge History Nesreen Hussein Middlesex University, London Performing Arts Laura Adwan Bethlehem University Department of Humanities Chrystel Oloukoi Harvard University Black Studies / Anthropology Bill V. Mullen Purdue University Emeritus Professor of American Studies Yara Hawari University of Exeter Middle East Studies Caitlin Procter European University Institute Department of Political and Social Sciences Polly Withers LSE Department of media and communications Samer Abboud Villanova GIS Mandy Turner University of Manchester Conflict, Peace and Humanitarian Studies Nesreen Hussein Middlesex University, London Department of Performing Arts Nayrouz Abu Hatoum Concordia University Anthropology Galen Stolee Harvard University Anthropology Brian Kelly Queen’s University Belfast Reader in History Ilan Pappe University of Exeter Director ECPS Ajantha Subramanian Harvard University Anthropology and South Asian Studies James Eastwood Queen Mary University of London Politics and International Relations Manijeh Moradian Barnard College, Columbia University WGSS Sharri Plonski Queen Mary University of London School of Politics and International Relations Ikram Masmoudi University of Delaware Arabic studies D Jaber Bard College Human Rights & International Law Emma Gieben-Gamal University of Edinburgh Design Cultures Elizabeth Perego App State History Amulya Mandava Harvard University Anthropology Elizabeth Bishop Texas State University San Marcos Department of History Jasmine Hazel Shadrack National Coalition for Independent Scholars Independent/Visiting Lecturer. 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Relations John Michael O’Brien University of Sydney, Australia Work and Organisational Studies Zeynep Kevser Şerefoğlu Fatih Sultan Mehmet Vakıf Ünv Türkish Literatüre Harris Kornstein NYU Media, Culture & Communication Mina Baginova Charles University Prague Faculty of Social Sciences Nayera Soliman Freie Universitat Berlin Political Sciences Omar Elkharouf University of Sydney Government & International Relations Rhys Machold University of Glasgow Politics and International Relations Gabriela Saldanha University of Birmingham Translation 3 Anisa Hosseinnezhad Temple University Film and media arts Pedro Zubieta Funes Bolivian Catholic University Political Economy Emil Hammar Royal Academy of Fine Arts Visual Design Ross Frank UC San Diego Ethnic Studies Roel Frakking KITLV Leiden History Shana Almeida Ryerson University School of Professional Communication Asma Abbas Bard College at Simon’s Rock Politics and Philosophy Yasmeen Narayan Birkbeck College, University of London 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of Johannesburg Graduate School of Architecture Helena Lindholm University of Gothenburg School of Global Studies Yusuf Dasdemir University of Jyväskylä Philosophy Khalid Wasim Hasan Central University of Kashmir School of Social Sciences Katja Krebs University of Bristol Theatre Khaled Mattawa University of Michigan English Language and Literature Jeremy Pilcher NYU London Law Rhon Teruelle Purdue University Northwest Department of Communication and Creative Arts Nupur Asher Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi Linguistics Nadine El-Enany Birkbeck College, University of London Law Milli Lake LSE International Relations Smarika Lulz Humboldt University Berlin Legal Studies Andreas Bjorklund University of Oxford Anthropology Cristiana Strava Leiden University Anthropology, Institute for Area Studies Francesco Saverio Leopardi Ca’ Foscari University of Venice Department of Asian and North Africa Studies V’cenza Cirefice National University of Ireland, Galway Geography Tom Arnold-Forster 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English Literatures Tanya Serisier Birkbeck College, University of London Criminology Sorcha Thomson Roskilde University International Studies Craig Larkin King’s College London Middle East Politics Shireen Abu-Eid University of Exeter Social Sciences and International Studies Khaled Albateni Kuwait University History/ American history Okky Madasari National University of Singapore Department of Malay Studies Elizabeth Boyle Maynooth University Celtic Studies Helen Davey SOAS, University of London Anthropology and Sociology Dudi Iskandar Budi Luhur University Communication Science Rahul Rao SOAS University of London Department of Politics and International Studies Alejandro De Coss Corzo University of Bath Sociology Christopher Iacovetti University of Chicago Religion and Literature (PhD Student) Mai Taha Goldsmiths, University of London Law Noura Kamal Institute for Social Anthropology/ÖAW Social Anthropology Muhammad Muhdi Attaufiq Universitas Negeri Manado Architecture Yusdiandra Alfarishy Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University Faculty of Sharia and Law/Ilmu Syari’ah Taratia Panggayuh Karahayon Airlangga University Robotics and Artificial intelligence Sahar Ghumkhor University of Melbourne School of Social and Political Sciences Chenchen Zhang Queen’s University Belfast Politics and International Relations Meera Tiwari University of  East London Global Development, School of Education and Communication Pebri Ernanda University of Lambung Mangkurat Magister of Development Rauhatul Farhani Sebelas Maret University English Department Thomas van der Merwe University of Cape Town Law Elizabeth Elliott University of Aberdeen English Dede Aji Mardani STAI Tasikmalaya Islamic Economie Lib Taylor Reading University, UK Film, Theatre & TV/Theatre Davide Bertelli VID Specialized University Centre for Migration and Global Studies Mücahid Keskinoğlu Ibn Haldun University Political Science and International Relations Tania Saeed Lahore University of Management Sciences Sociology ElSayed Mahmoud ElSehamy University of Manchester Socail Anthropology Muhyidin Abd Gandi Bana UIN Dakwah Faculty Elian Weizman London South Bank University Division of Social Sciences, School of Law and Social Sciences V Vroon University of Amsterdam Anthropology Sunny Singh London Metropolitan University Creative Writing and English Literature Chris Hebdon Yale University Environmental Anthropology Ayang Utriza Yakin UCLouvain Belgium & Sciences-Po Bordeaux France RSCS Yael Politi Technische Universität Dresden BCUBE center for molecular bioengineering Adam Haupt University of Cape Town  (South Africa) Centre for Film & Media Studies Katie Stone Birkbeck College, University of London Department of English, Theatre and Creative Writing Seamus Campbell Ulster University School of Law Philippa Lovatt University of St Andrews Film Studies Katie Natanel University of Exeter Institute of Arab & Islamic Studies Polly Pallister-Wilkins University of Amsterdam Politics Irene Sotiropoulou University of Hull Energy & Environment Institute Kirsty Sedgman University of Bristol Department of Theatre Rizal Yaya Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta Accounting Carlota McAllister York University Anthropology Anye Nyamnjoh University of Cambridge Politics and International Studies Laura Elisabete Figueiredo Brito Centre for Social Studies, University of Coimbra Post-colonialism and global citizenship Kirsty Sedgman University of Bristol Theatre Anthony Leaker University of Brighton Humanities Aya Nassar Durham University Geography Suhaib Ahmad Jamia Millia Islamia MBA David Mond University of Warwick Mathematics Simon Dawes University of Versailles Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines IECI (Cultural and International Studies) Dadi Hidayat Maskar Sahid University Department of Nutrition, Faculty of Food Technology & Health John Munro University of Birmingham History Kerem Nisancioglu SOAS, University of London Politics and International Studies Freddy Foks University of Cambridge History Hani Abo-Leyah University of Dundee School of Medicine Fatima Khan Manchester Metropolitan University Sociology Ana Louback Lopes Universidade de Coimbra Centro de Estudos Sociais Ophira Gamliel University of Glasgow Religious Studies Yunie Nurhayati Rahmat Institut Teknologi Bandung Urban and Regional Planning Icha Farihah Deniyati Faratisha Universtas Brawijaya Medicine Kristen D. Scott Adams State University English Professor Amreen Shaikh Birla Institute of Technology and Science, Goa Computer Science Ayham Dalal Vassar College Urban Studies Tirna Chatterjee Jawaharlal Nehru University School of Arts and Aesthetics Esma Nur Topcu Marmara University Public Law Muhammad Yousuf University of California San Diego Ethnic Studies Amira Abdelhamid University of Sussex International Relations Jan Hoogland Radboud University Middle East Studies Dilip M Menon University of Witwatersrand Centre for Indian Studies in Africa Rahma Muhammad Mian Institute of Business Administration, Karachi, Pakistan Social Science and Liberal Arts Yousra Rahmouni Elidrissi Utrecht School of Governance/Utrecht University Law, economics and Governance/Organizations Studies Emma Sheppard Coventry University Sociology Carolina Alves Girton College, University of Cambridge Economics Lama Midlej Tel Aviv University English Literature and American Studies/Education Alexandra Campbell University of Glasgow English Literature Magnus Skytterholm Egan UiT – The Arctic University of Norway Philosophy Parvathi Menon Erik Castren Institute of International Law Faculty of Law Naelati Tubastuvi Universitas Muhammadiyah Purwokerto Management Dena Qaddumi University of Cambridge Architecture Yazan Badran Vrije Universiteit Brussel Communication Studies Muhammad Taufiq Thahir Community College of Manufacturing Industry, Bantaeng Chemical Analysis Ishtiaque Ahmed Levin Jawaharlal Nehru University Centre for the Study of Social Systems Adi ilcham Universitas Pembangunan Nasional “Veteran” Yogyakarta Chemical Engineering Anastasia Murney University of New South Wales Art History & Theory Zikra Fadilla Universitas Indonesia Magister Management Mike Cushman LSE (rtd) Management Subir Sinha SOAS, London Development Studies Michael Pierse Queen’s University Belfast School of Arts, English and Languages Kjersti G. 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Departamento de Lingüística Abdalaziz Bahgat Cairo University Urban Design Ruth Fletcher Queen Mary University of London Law Leia John Union Theological Seminary Theology and Social Ethics Il’ia Karagulin Yale University Slavic Languages & Literature Nick Thoburn University of Manchester Sociology Mahmoud Hosny Roshdy University of Southern California Comparative Studies in Literature and Culture Owen Holland University College London Dept. of English Literature Paola Baez-Perez University of Maryland Library Information Science Rebecca Glade Columbia University Department of History Majd Abu Zaghlan Jordan University Social Science Rachel Jekanowski Memorial University English Olivier Germain Université du Québec à Montréal Management Evelyn Alsultany University of Southern California American Studies and Ethnicity Rebecca Tarlau Pennsylvania State University Education Saffo Papantonopoulou University of Arizona Anthropology and Middle Eastern Studies Duaa Al Maani Applied Science University Architecture Molly Seremet Mary Baldwin University Theatre Idiris Abdi University of Toronto Social Sciences Amira Benali Copenhagen Business School Management Saajidha Sader University of KwaZulu-Natal Education Mazen Masri City, University of London The City Law School Priya Kandaswamy Mills College Race, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Eslam Ashraf Alameldin Menofia University Computer Science Jeff Fort Univesity of California, Davis French Lindsay Thomas University of Miami English Rebecca Abby Whiting University of Glasgow History Hussein Mohsen Pharos University in Alexandria Applied Medical Sciences Robyn Taylor-Neu UC Berkeley Anthropology Almudena Cabezas Universidad Complutense de Madrid Political Geography/ Political Sciences Elena M.Ragragio University of the Philippines Manila Biology Sara Musaifer University of Minnesota, Twin Cities Comparative and International Development Education (CIDE) Ica Sadagat California Insitute of the Arts Creative Writing Basma Ahmed Alexandria University Egypt Computer Engineering Hong-An Truong University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill Department of Art & Art History Lies Van Nieuwenhove Ghent University Veterinary Science Samer Barakat Texas State University Accounting Allison Mickel Lehigh University Sociology & Anthropology Itxaso Domínguez De Olazábal Universidad Carlos III de Madrid International Relations Claudia Arteaga Scripps College Spanish Yahya El Sayed University of Arizona Middle Eastern and North African Studies Youssef Ramez Boktor The Graduate Center – CUNY Anthropology Melissa Scott University of California, Berkeley Ethnomusicology Juliana Canedo TU-Berlin Habitat Unit Mònica Rius-Piniés Universitat de Barcelona Literature & Gender Studies Shilpi Srivastava Institute of Development Studies, UK Resource Politics and Environmental Change Hosna Shewly Fulda University of Applied Sciences Social and Cultural Sciences Sophia Stamatopoulou-Robbins Bard College Anthropology Sahar D. Sattarzadeh DePauw University Education Studies Roger A. Sneed Furman University Religion Nerisa Kawira Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology Construction Management Heather Hughes University of Pennsylvania Libraries Hosam Elkashab Cairo University Computer Science Menna Alaa Menoufia Faculty Of Medicine Medicine Eli Friedman Cornell University International and Comparative Labor Noura Kamal Institute for Social Anthropology / ÖAW Anthropology Stuart Chen-Hayes City University of New York/Lehman College Counselor Education: School and Mental Health Counseling Stephen Leberstein City College – CUNY (Retired) History/Center for Worker Education Elif Ceylan Özsoy. University of Exeter Law Jocelyn Hermoso San Francisco State University Social Work Luis Melián OPEMAM Political Science Odetta Pizzingrilli Luiss Guido Carli International Relations Fadi Amer University of Cambridge Development Studies Md.kadaruzzaman Jagannath University Theatre María López University of Deusto International Law & Human Rights Atalia Omer The University of Notre Dame Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies; Keough School of Global Affairs Alanna Thain McGill University English Alex Boodrookas Brandeis University Middle East Studies Daniel Masterson University of California, Santa Barbara Political Science Michael Neocosmos Rhodes University (Emeritus Professor) Humanities Navtej Purewal SOAS University of London Development Studies Marianne Madoré City University of New York (CUNY) Sociology Waleed Saleh Universidad Autónoma de Madrid Estudios Árabes e Islámicos Iain Ferguson University of the West of Scotland Social Work and Social Policy Fernando Domínguez Rubio University of California, San Diego Communication Paola Bacchetta University of California, Berkeley Department of Gender and Women’s Studies Rajini Srikanth University of Massachusetts Boston English Melissa Gatter University of Sheffield International Development Sarah Hayes-Skelton University of Massachusetts Boston Psychology Rami Salameh Birzeit University Department of Philosophy and Cultural Studies Joel Mehic-Parker Washington State University Political Science Elis Mendoza Princeton University Architecture History and Theory Mahmut Olgac Istanbul University History Tomaso Ferrando University of Antwerp Law Ibrahim Alhouti University College London Institute of Education Education Practice & Society Vasiliki D Touhouliotis Oregon State University Anthropology Laura Goffman University of Arizona Middle East Studies Helen Scott University of Vermont English Reima Ana Maglajlic University of Sussex Department of Social Work and Social Care Vincent M. Artman Wayne State University Peace and Conflict Studies Ferran Izquierdo-Brichs Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona International Relations Julio Huato CUNY John Jay College of Criminal Justice Economics Mohammed-Amine Chekkouri Paris Dauphine University Management Evyn Lê Espiritu Gandhi University of California, Los Angeles Asian American Studies Artemida Tesho CUNY College of Staten Island History Matiangai Sirleaf University of Maryland School of Law Law Anna G Ramberg University of Sussex Law Mona El-Ghobashy New York University Liberal Studies Lauren Kaminsky Harvard University History and Literature Arash Davari Whitman College Politics Patricia Martins University of California San Diego History Alvaro Jarrin College of the Holy Cross Sociology and Anthropology Rebecca Johnson Northwestern University English/Middle East & North African Studies Anthony Palafox University of California Berkeley Sociology Anwesha Ghosh National Law School of India University History Samantha Hinnenkamp Ball State University Counseling Paychology Hilary Malson University of California Los Angeles Urban Planning Verónica Maria Pascoal Sousa University of Lisbon Anthropology/Institute of Social Sciences Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor Princeton University African American Studies Yasmina Price Yale University African American Studies and Film & Media Studies Luz Gómez Universidad Autónoma de Madrid Departamento de Estudios Árabes e Islámicos Khaoula Belghit University of Brighton Humanities Misagh Parsa Dartmouth College Sociology Ibrahim Natil Dublin City University Institute for International Conflict Resolution and Reconstruction Ali Sakti Paramadina University Islamic Economics Yuliar Masna UIN Ar-Raniry English Language Education Usep Suhendar Pakuan University Pharmacy Zaynab El Bernoussi International University of Rabat International Politics Muchammad Agung Miftahuddin Univ Muhammadiyah Purwokerto Economy and Business Muhamed Riyaz Chenganakkattil Indian Institute of Technology Delhi Humanities and Social Sciences Aji Purba Universitas Brawijaya Economics Jack Cinamon SOAS, University of London Development Studies Wendy Matsumura University of California San Diego History Astrid Jamar SOAS, University of London Development Studies Aliya Amin King’s College London Women and Children’s Health Nilna Amal Lambung Mangkurat University Civil and Environmental Engineering Mustafa Gök İstanbul Medeniyet University International Relations Endi Rekarti Mercu Buana University Management Science Sean Leatherbury University College Dublin Art History Sarah Ahmad Mahmoud Okour University of Petra Media and Political Public Relations Francesca Stevens Falmouth University Music Penelope Anthias Durham University Geography Khursheed Beg London Southbank University School of Law and Social Sciences – Education Rachel Adams Human Sciences Research Council South Africa Social Science Francisco Gonzalez The New School Sociology Rini Dokumen State Islamic University Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta Accounting Megan Williams University  of Sydney Public Health Catherine Fox The University of Hong Kong Comparative Literature Ed Emery SOAS, University of London CMDS Richard Jackson University of Otago, New Zealand Peace and Conflict Studies John Bunzl Austrian Institute for international Affairs Middle Eastern Studies Aya Elwageeh Ain Shams University Urban Planning and Design Supriya Kumar Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi Centre for the Study of Social Systems, M.A. in Sociology Marina Assis Pinheiro Federal university of Pernambuco Psychology Rita Sakr Maynooth University English Saiful Akmal Universitas Islam.Negeri Ar-Raniry Banda Aceh, Indonesia Language and Culture Salamah Wahyuni Universitas Sebelas Maret Management Nina Köll University College Utrecht Media Studies Erna Rochmawati UMY Nursing Ramadoni Syahputra Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta Electrical Engineering Arni Surwanti UMY Master of Management Abdullah Turab University College London Education Sumithra Sankaran ETH Zurich Health Geography and Environmental Policy Ferlin Setiadi Indonesian Open University Management Gargi Bhattacharyya University of East London Institute for Connected Communities Patrick Hart Bilkent University, Ankara English Language & Literature Patrick Hart Bilkent University, Ankara English Language & Literature Julia Damphouse Humboldt Universität Berlin MA European History Sebastian Rose University of Greenwich History, PhD student S. 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Hasso Duke University Gender, Sexuality and Feminist Studies Lisa Stampnitzky University of Sheffield Politics and International Relations Lúcia Arruda Coimbra University Human Rights in the Contemporary Societies Paul Beaumont Norwegian Institute of International Affairs International Relations Sofia Rehman Independent Scholar Islamic Studies Stephanie Reist Post-Doctoral Researcher UFRRJ Education Elizabeth Hicks Leiden University Archaeology Daniel Jiménez-Franco University of Zaragoza Sociology Suraiya Zubair Banu SOAS Gender Studies Nour Alrabie VU AMSTERDAM Management and organizations Rahmat Febrianto Andalas University Accounting Edi Susilo Universitas Islam Nahdlatul Ulama Jepara Islamic Economics Frances Grahl London College of Fashion CHS, Cultural Studies Tarik Aougab Haverford College Mathematics Mariam Durrani Hamilton College Anthropology Taimi Castle James Madison University Justice Studies Linda Marie Richards Oregon State University School of History, Philosophy and Religion, History of Science Irene Calis American University Critical Race, Gender & Culture Studies Samer Mahdy Ali University of Michigan Middle East Studies Lilly Irani University of California San Diego Communication Dolma Ombadykow Yale University American Studies Andrew Spieldenner California State University – San Marcos Communication Mirna Pedalo Royal College of Art School of Architecture Nick Estes University of New Mexico American Studies Sian Hawthorne SOAS, University of London History, Religions, and Philosophies Eileen  Moran Professional Staff Congress-City University of NY Sociology Samira Farwaneh University of Arizona Middle Eastern Studies/Linguistics Carolina Ramirez Cabrera Universidad de Chile/COES Sociología Ángeles Diez Complutense University of Madrid, Spain Sociology Michael Giannetti Columbia University Oral History Ioana Cerasella Chis University of Birmingham Political Science Febriandi Prima Putra Andalas University-Indonesia Economics Anne Gray London South Bank University Social science Neema Begum University of Manchester Politics Marcy Knopf-Newman Independent scholar English and American Studies Karen Briand St. Francis Xavier University Nursing Esra Oskay Ankara Haci Bayram Veli University Painting Dror Dayan Liverpool John Moores University Media Production Norman Ajari Villanova University Philosophy Zennul Mubarrok Gadjah Mada University Indonesia Master of Accounting Nurizal Ismail Institut Agama Islam Tazkia Islamic Economics Amy M. Smith University of Southern Maine History Karen Kadra Law school Paris Saumya Pandey CMI, Norway and University of Ghent, Belgium Social Sciences Marcos González Bartolomé Georgetown University School of Foreign Service Anas Hijazi Soka University Environmental Engineering for Symbiosis Pooja Rangan Amherst College English, Film and Media Studies Jo Tomkinson SOAS University of London Department of Politics Maria Adriana Deiana Queen’s University Belfast Centre for Gender in Politics MJ Encarnacion Newcastle University Speech and Language Therapy Patrick Doyle University of Limerick Politics and Public Administration Alana Duggan York University Art History & Visual Culture Angus McNelly SOAS Economics Jens Lerche SOAS University of London Development Studies Julia Corwin LSE Geography and Environment Martín Alejandro Martinelli Universidad Nacional de Luján – Co-coord. 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Hensley Georgetown University English Mehmet Volkan Kaşıkçı Independent Scholar History Malcolm Sawyer University of Leeds, UK Economics Adi Saleem Bharat University of Michigan Romance Languages and Literatures Myriam Amri Harvard University Anthropology Su’ad Abdul Khabeer University of Michigan American Culture Morgan Ballard-Wheeler University of Hartford Music Sari Lenggogeni Universitas Andalas Economics Matthew Stein Temple University Political Science Sugeng Hari Wisudo IPB University Fisheries Resources Utilization Muneira Hoballah University of California Irvine Anthropology Stan Thangaraj City College of New York Anthropology Alejandra Campos University of Notre Dame Political Science Dzenana Vucic University of Glasgow English literature Zeynep Kevser Şerefoğlu Danış Fatih Sultan Mehmet Vakıf University Turkish Literature Heath Cabot University of Pittsburgh Anthropology Heath Cabot University of Pittsburgh Anthropology Mehmet Yaşar Ertaş Sakarya University History Mary Mullen Villanova University English Eleanor Steele University of Waterloo Philosophy Kiron Ward University of Copenhagen English, German, and Romance Studies Elsa Bengtsson Meuller Goldsmiths University of London Politics and International Relations Akhmad Solihin iPB University fisheries resource utilization, fisheries governance Roopika Risam Salem State University Education and English Nicole Legnani Princeton University Spanish and Portuguese Kalpana Wilson Birkbeck, University of London Geography Asad Askari A. 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Baldwin Trinity College (CT) American Studies Rima Afifi University of Iowa Public Health Hannah Parsons Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies, University of Exeter Centre for Islamic Archaeology Laura Camargo Fernández Universitat de les Illes Balears Departament de Filologia Espanyola, Moderna i Clàssica Megan Lewis Digital Hammurabi Assyriology Jo Kelcey Lebanese American University Education Ramisa Maliat Ahmed Goldsmiths Psychology Haneen Shubib University of Leeds English Zoltan Gluck Northeastern University Sociology and Anthropology Kirsten Ainley Australian National University International relations Iin Solihin IPB University Fisheries Resources Utilization Maia Almeida-Amir Newcastle University PhD student. School of Arts and Cultures Jeanne Theoharis Brooklyn College Political Science Bruno Meeus KU Leuven Anthropology Nicole Anderson McDaniel College Budapest Art History Anna Storti Dartmouth College Women, Gender, and Sexuality Studies; Asian American Studies Khatib A. 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Harold Hart Shaw University Humanities, Arts, and Interdisciplinary Studies Lina Sukanti Universitas Islam Syekh Yusuf Tangerang Indonesia The Science Administration Graduate Shouleh Vatanabadi New York University Liberal Studies Robert Clines Western Carolina University History and International Studies Anne Savage McMaster University English and Cultural Studies Stacey Sexton SageFox Consulting Group Research and Evaluation Pris Nasrat University of Pennsylvania Annenberg School for Communication Sufia Singlee University of Cape Town/Durham University Law Miriam Cooke Duke University Arab Cultural Studies Eman Abdelhadi University of Chicago Comparative Human Development Gale Franklin Carleton University Indigenous and Canadian Studies Elyse Yost Kalamazoo College History Tazreena Sajjad American University SIS Ana Aparicio Northwestern University Anthropology Elaine LaFay Rutgers University History Jeroen Gunning King’s College London Department of Political Economy Ali Kassem University of Sussex Sociology Soha Bayoumi Harvard University History of Science Margaux L Kristjansson Williams College American Studies Thomas Marois SOAS University of London Development Studies Geoff Jordan Leicester University Education Department /MA in Applied Linguistics and TESOL Jay L. 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Haldane Quinnipiac University Anthropology Valerie Francisco-Menchavez San Francisco State University Sociology Fadi Ennab Instructor/University of Winnipeg Urban and Inner-City Studies Hannah Bargawi SOAS University of London Economics Arturo Hartmann Pacheco GECI-PUC-SP International Relations Vivian Solana Sociology and Anthropology Sociology and Anthropology Sailaja Krishnamurti Saint Mary’s University Religious Studies Juliana Hu Pegues University of Minnesota American Indian Studies Luke Johnson Princeton University Anthropology Selma Dabbagh Goldsmiths University, London English and Creative Writing (PhD Programme) Writer and lawyer. 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Noor NTU History Conor McCarthy Maynooth University, Ireland Department of English Deanna Shoemaker Monmouth University Communication Maureen O’Connor University College Cork English Nicole Allen Utah State University Communication Studies Christina Smith Clark College English Tadhg Foley National University of Ireland, Galway English Alison Reed Old Dominion University Department of English Seth Umbaugh University of Wisconsin-Madison English Literature Monika Kukolova Independent scholar Film studies Millery Polyne New York University History Bindhulakshmi Pattadath Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai Women’s Studies Burc Kostem McGill University Communication Studies Ayşe Uzun Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University İslamic Studies Enrique Klaus Galatasaray University Faculty of Communication Manuel Schwab American University in Cairo Anthropology Owen MacDonald UIUC History Fatemeh shams University of Pennsylvania Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations Toni Calasanti Virginia Tech Sociology Samira I. 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Moore Harvard Divinity School Religion and Public Life Sheryl Nestel Independent Scholar Sociology Judith E Tucker Georgetown University Department of History M Constantine Columbia University Anthropology Nicola Pratt University of Warwick Politics & International Studies Wendy McMahon University of East Anglia American Studies Serhat Demirel Sakarya Üniversitesi Türk Dili Serhat Demirel Sakarya Üniversitesi Türk Dili Tarek Anous University of Amsterdam Institute of Physics/Theoretical Physics/Physics Sylvia Chan-Malik Rutgers University American Studies/WGSS Max Weiss Princeton University History and Near Eastern Studies Esra Aslan Yok Ekonomi Soe Tjen Marching SOAS University Southeast Asia Shinhea Lee University of the Fraser Valley Media Studies RJ Boutelle UNCG English Aldri Cela University of Cambridge History Dilem Can Ankara University Sufism Adam Hussain University of Huddersfield Dance, Drama and Performance (PhD) Ida Thibeh OISE/University of Toronto Social Justice Education Maru Pabón Yale University Comparative Literature Kevin Lin Chinese University of Hong Kong Sociology Christine Hong UC Santa Cruz Critical Race and Ethnic Studies JA Meaney University of Edinburgh Informatics Luke Wilkinson Cambridge History Clement Hawes University of Michigan English and History Kjersti G. 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Michelsen Institute, Norway History Gayatri Chatterjee Symbiosis School for Liberal Arts Film Studies Shuting Ling University of Zurich Political Science Stephen Marmura St. Francis Xavier University Sociology Yousuf Al-Bulushi University of California, Irvine Global and International Studies Stefanie Felsberger Cambridge University, Darwin College Gender Studies Vino Kanapathipillai SOAS, University of London International Relations Max Grear Columbia University Anthropology Mayte Green-Mercado Rutgers University-Newark History Emily Fitzell university of cambridge phd student, faculty of modern languages Seçil Doğuç Ergin Galatasaray University Sociology Jonathan Galton SOAS Anthropology Samuel Lawrence Bickley Auburn University School of Forestry and Wildlife Sciences Jason Hart University of Bath SPS Luis Martín-Cabrera UC, San Diego Latín American Studies, Director Bill Yousman Sacred Heart University Media Arts Samira Musleh University of Minnesota – Twin Cities Communication Studies Andrea Gadberry New York University (Gallatin + FAS) comparative literature Ellen McLarney Duke University Asian and Middle East Studies Morgan Duplessis Independant Sociology Paloma Yañez Serrano Unevwrsity of Manchester Anthropology Ahmad Aqel Qatar University Mechanical Engineering Bruce Bennett Lawrence Duke University Religious Studies Carol Arcos Herrera University of California San Diego Literature Martha Copp East Tennessee State University Sociology Nadia Yaqub UNC Chapel Hill Asian and Middle Eastern Studies Ramazan Aras Ibn Haldun University, Istanbul Sociology Lucas Wilson Mount Holyoke College Economics, Africana Studies James A. 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Horton Brandeis University Anthropology Kate Cronin-Furman University College London Political Science Madison Akindele University of Hawaii Education Preeti Sharma CSU Long Beach American Studies Linda Dittmar University of Massachusetts Boston English Dianne Ramdeholl SUNY Empire State College Education Margaret Cerullo Hampshire College Sociology Joe Cleary Yale University English Maya Barak University of Michigan Dearborn Criminology and Criminal Justice Kwabena Edusei Michigan State University Philosophy Asmarany Biantari University of Silesia Biotechnology Kevin Bischoping University of Kansas General Administration/Business Sharad Chari UC Berkeley Geography Ali Yaycioglu Stanford University History Neda University of La Verne in California Psychology Naseeha Hussain University of Southern California Religion Chase Gregory Bucknell University English Federica Frabetti University of Roehampton (UK) Media and Cultural Studies Tamara Abu-Ramadan University of Wyoming Psychology Sabrina Alimahomed California State University, Long Beach Sociology Emily El-Oqlah University of Memphis Counseling Psychology Lina Khraise University of Manchester Global Development Institute Sanjog Rupakheti College of the Holy Cross History Stephanie Gorman The Australian National University National Centre for Epidemiology and Population Health Chloe Ahmann Cornell University Anthropology Ayşe Şanlı Brown University Anthropology Faten Shelbayeh Phoenix University Healthcare Administration Bethany Whitlock Brown University Anthroplogy Sobhi Samour Al-Quds Bard College Economics Amnah Almukhtar Columbia University History Ebru Kongar Dickinson College Economics Salma Shash UC Santa Barbara History Shereen Ramadan William Paterson University History Tara Egnatios UCLA UCLA Law Patricia Morton University of California, Riverside Media and Cultural Studies Department Nilmini Fernando Griffith University Social and Cultural Research David C. Gorman University of Massachusetts Boston Psychology Josh Cohen Harvard University Religion Willow Dalehite Princeton University Ecology and Evolutionary Biology Omaris Z. Zamora Rutgers University-New Brunswick Latino and Caribbean Studies/Africana Studies/Literature Radia Awal Trisha University of Rajshahi Anthropology Rania Masri Lebanese American University Communications Lara Saguisag CUNY College of Staten Island English Laura Ottaviani-Jaede East Asia Art History Institute Heidelberg East Asia Art History Halima Haque University of Tuebingen Social and Cultural Anthropology Andrea Wright Harvard University Anthropology Sahar Al-Shoubaki Indiana University of Pennsylvania English Department Burhan Ghanayem National Institutes of Health Biomedical Scientist (Retired) Swapna Kona Nayudu Harvard University History Heba Ghannam American University Anthropology Magda Campo UC Santa Barbara Religious Studies Shereen Naser Cleveland State University Psychology/School Psychology Cassia Mosdell Rutgers University Psychology Vivian Solana Carleton University Anthropology Genevieve Clutario Wellesley College American Studies Neda Maghbouleh University of Toronto Sociology Genta Nishku University of Michigan Comparative Literature Carly Bryant Bard College at Simon’s Rock Black Studies Karlynne Ejercito University of Southern California American Studies and Ethnicity Marley Russell University of New Mexico Psychology Ivy Schweitzer Dartmouth College English and Creative Writing/Women’s, Gender and Sexuality Studies Ping-Ann Addo University of Massachusetts Boston Anthropology Natalie Ng University of California, Santa Cruz Anthropology Vinicius Navarro Emerson College Media Studies Emily Yang University of Michigan Climate and Space Sciences and Engineering Agnieszka Paczynska George Mason University Peace and Conflict Resolution Tatiana Meza-Cervera Virginia Tech Developmental Science Erika Rappaport University of California, Santa Barbara History Paul Spickard UC Santa Barbara History Giuliana Perrone University of California Santa Barbara History Benjamin Koerber Rutgers University African, Middle Eastern and South Asian Languages and Literature Emma Saperstein University of Aarhus Curatorial Studies CD Eskilson University of Arkansas English, Creative Writing Sky Croeser Curtin University Internet Studies Amy C Finnegan University of St. Thomas Justice & Peace Studies Praveen K Chaudhry State University of New York / FIT Social Sciences Jessica Guo University of Illinois at Chicago Sociology Julia Blok University of Michigan Public Policy Qusay Mahmoud Ontario Tech University Software Engineering Yasmine Bensidi-Slimane Palo Alto University Clinical Neuropsychology Alyssa Mazer UC Santa Cruz Politics Angela Penaredondo CSU San Bernardino English/Creative Writing Nur Sabrina Qistina Binti Mohd Yusoff University of British Columbia History and Geography Prem Kumar Rajaram Central European University Sociology & Social Anthropology Karl Blanchet University of Geneva Geneva Centre of Humanitarian Studies Leti Volpp UC Berkeley Law Charmaine Willis University at Albany Political Science Hannah Kagan-Moore University of California Santa Barbara History of Art and Architecture Mariz Kelada Brown University Anthropology Laila Shereen Sakr UC Santa Barbara Film and Media Studies Torti Sorbonne Paris Cité English Ghassan M Aburqayeq UC Santa Barbara Comparative Literature Usuf Chikte University of Stellenbosch Division of Health Systems and Public Health, Department of Publuc Health Mashail Almutairi University College London Leadership & Learning Simone Rapisarda Simon Fraser University School for the Contemporary Arts Sarah Cheikhali UC Santa Cruz Politics Anthony Greco University of California Santa Barbara History Kaitlyn Mitsuru Wilkin University of Ottawa International Development & Global Studies Nadav Wall Cornell University Anthropology Liting Ding Cornell University Anthropology Caroline de Costa James Cook University, Cairns, Australia Medicine David Naguib Pellow UC Santa Barbara Environmental Studies Mariah Wade University of Texas at Austin Anthropology/Archaeology Mariam Said Matar The New School Philosophy Zaki Haidar Carleton College Middle Eastern Languages Laura U. Marks Simon Fraser University School for the Contemporary Arts Maryam Monalisa Gharavi Northeastern University English Louisa Brain SOAS Development Studies Rosemary Rich University of Brighton History Jane Lehr California Polytechnic State University (Cal Poly SLO) Ethnic Studies; Women’s, Gender & Queer Studies Andrew Block Harvard University American Studies Andy Knott University of Brighton Politics Timothy LaRock Northeastern University Network Science Institute Kate McDonald University of California, Santa Barbara History Maria Pantsidou Lancaster University Languages and Cultures Lisette Balabarca-Fataccioli Siena College Modern Languages and Classics – Spanish Lara Choksey University of Exeter English Jabrane Labidi Université de Paris, Institut de Physique du Globe de Paris CNRS, Geochemistry Rosemary James Geneva Centre of Humanitarian Studies Medicine Salina Khatoon University of Sheffield European public health Kate Katafiasz Newman Drama Kevin Ha Northeastern University Sociology Lauren Michele Jackson Northwestern University English Angela Miller Washington University American Studies Sarah-Jane Phelan University of Sussex International Development Nina Cornyetz New York University Gallatin/Interdisciplinary Studies Zahra Bayati Gothenburg University Education science Samuel Dolbee Harvard University History and Literature Sean Gordon University of Massachusetts Amherst American Studies Othman Althawadi Qatar University Marketing Su Ming Khoo NUI Galway Political Science and Sociology Sinéad Murphy King’s College London Comparative Literature Daniela Dorfman UNSAM, Argentina Latin American Literatures Deirdre McDonald Texas A&M University-San Antonio Research Services, Library Kahina Meziant Northumbria University Political Geography João Costa Vargas UC Riverside Anthropology Giuseppe Vicinanza New School for Social Research Philosophy, PhD Student Isabelle Johnston Dawson College Humanities Danilo Barbosa Garrido Alves University of Oxford Faculty of Law Brittney Laleh Banaei University of Colorado Boulder MFA Dance Quiahuitl Sanchez Segura UNAM Literature Outi Lahtinen University of Helsinki Theatre research Miranda Melson Northeastern University Sociology Lois Rudnick University of Massachusetts Boston American Studies Felix Fernandez Madrid Wayne State University Internal Medicine Rani Bashiti Michigan State University Radiology/Medicine Khury Petersen-Smith Institute for Policy Studies Geography Sarah Fox Carnegie Mellon University Human-Computer Interaction Jennifer Derr University of California, Santa Cruz History Mary Nolan NYU History Roxana Pessoa Cavalcanti University of Brighton Humanities and Social Sciences Luisa Enria London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine Global Health & Development Lorenz Fuchs Cardiff University Biosciences Katherine Maddox University of Texas at Austin Department of Anthropology Kyle Benedict Craig Northwestern University Anthropology Anitta Kynsilehto Tampere University Peace Research Institute Nicola Melis University of Cagliari (Sardinia, Italy) Political and Social Sciences Lesley Powell Nelson Mandela University Education Saskia Bigg SOAS, University of London Migration and Diaspora Studies Christopher Harker University College London Institute for Global Prosperity Salma Said Abutaleb Universität Leipzig Anthropology Aamna Pasha University College London Education Lameze Abrahams University of the Western Cape Psychiatry and Mental Health N. Vittal University College London Economics Francesco Sani De Montfort University Institute of Drama, Dance and Performance Studies Alanoud Alsharhan University College London Center for Translation Studies Anandi Ramamurthy Sheffield Hallam University Media Arts and Communication Gerry Kearns Maynooth University Geography Natalie Kimball College of Staten Island, City University of New York History Chandana Mathur National University of Ireland, Maynooth Anthropology Sarah Fielding Birkbeck and RADA Text and Performance Tausif Noor UC Berkeley History of Art Helene Abiraad University of Brighton Humanities Penny Rosenwasser City College of San Francisco Interdisciplinary Studies Tiina Vaittinen Tampere University Global Health and Social Policy Laura Fracalanza Universidade de Lisboa (Flul) Centre for Comparative Studies Pål E. Martinussen Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU) Sociology and Political Science Charlie Ely University of Leeds School of English Iain Michael Chambers Università di Napoli, Orientale Social and Human Sciences Eleanor Knight University of Brighton Humanities/Creative Writing Ilaria Tucci Tampere University Peace and Conflict Studies Asher Rospigliosis University of Brighton Brighton School of Business and Law Kathleen Lynch University College Dublin Social Justice Hossam Sultan Uppsala University Social Anthropology Georgia Xekalaki University of Liverpool Egyptology (alumna) Elzbieta Buslowska University of the Arts, London Art and Film James Pfeiffer University of Washington, Seattle Global Health and Anthropology Julie Billaud Graduate Institute in Geneva Anthropology Cheryl Potgieter Durban University of Technology Gender Justice,Health and Human Development Federico Picerni Ca’ Foscari University of Venice; Heidelberg University Asian Studies (Chinese Studies) James Cummings Newcastle University Geography, Politics, and Sociology Michael Richardson Newcastle University Geography, Politics and Sociology Katie Maher University of South Australia Pedagogies for Justice Anne Mulhall University College Dublin Centre for Gender, Feminism & Sexualities Evyn Kropf University of Michigan University Library Salim Vally University of Johannesburg Education Elaine Chase UCL Institute of Education Education Practice and Society Eleanor Roberts University of Roehampton Drama, Theatre & Performance Mervat Alhaffar London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine Epidemiology and Population Health Kit Ashton Goldsmiths Music Emil Øversveen Norweigan University of Science and Technology Sociology Kyle Anderson SUNY Old Westbury History Christina Hansen Malmö University Global Political Studies Doaa Hammoudeh University of Oxford Social Policy Gabriela Loureiro Queen Mary University of London Geography Sarah Campbell Newcastle University History Laura Ottaviani-Jaede East Asia Art History Institute Heidelberg East Asia Art History Aidan Mosselson University of Edinburgh School of Architecture David Comedi National University of Tucumán and CONICET, Argentina Physics James Chiriyankandath University of London Commonwealth Studies Weeam Hammoudeh Birzeit University Institute of Community and Public Health Brendan Coolsaet Lille Catholic University Environmental Politics Andrew Law Newcastle University Architecture, Planning and Landscape Augustine J  Kposowa University of California Riverside Sociology Michael Hamilton University of Sussex International Relations Charles A Barrow Brighton University Law Amy Brainer University of Michigan – Dearborn Women’s and Gender Studies Lory J. Dance University of Nebraska-Lincoln Sociology and Ethnic Studies Hanna Järvinen Uniarts Helsinki Performing Arts Research Centre Dr Yoga Nathan University of Limerick School of Medicine Lisa Walshe National University of Ireland, Galway Political Science and Sociology Dr. Jeff Handmaker Erasmus University Rotterdam Legal Sociology Bethan Prosser University of Brighton Applied Social Sciences Lionel Pilkington NUI Galway English Lauren Churchwell University of Cambridge Archaeology Sawsan Abdulrahim American University of Beirut Public Health Nevine elnossery University of Wisconsin, Madison French and Italian.  
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https://www.newsweek.com/hundreds-princeton-faculty-students-sign-letter-opposing-israels-jewish-supremacy-1593293
Hundreds of Princeton Faculty, Students Sign Letter Opposing Israel’s ‘Jewish Supremacy’BY MATTHEW IMPELLI ON 5/20/21 AT 10:08 AM EDT

Hundreds of faculty members and students from Princeton University signed an open letter condemning the continued attacks by Israeli armed forces against Palestinian people in Gaza and expressed opposition to “Jewish supremacy.”

The letter, which appeared in the independent student newspaper, the Daily Princetonian, was titled “Princeton University community statement of solidarity with the Palestinian people.”

As of Thursday, the letter had received signatures from over 60 staff and faculty members, as well as hundreds from Princeton alumni, undergraduate and graduate students.

The letter began by saying, “We, members of the Princeton University community, condemn the ongoing attacks on the Palestinian people in Gaza by the Israeli armed forces…We condemn the displacement of Palestinian families in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood of East Jerusalem.”

As the letter continued, the writers, who are only identified in the Daily Princetonian as “guest contributors,” said that they “stand by” assessments from Human Rights Watch and the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem, which both referred to the situation in Israel as an “apartheid.”

“The brutal system that controls Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories is ideologically founded upon Jewish supremacy, rules over the lives of Arab and Jewish citizens of Israel alike, and is practically committed to territorial theft from Palestinians who continue to resist physical removal and existential erasure,” the letter said.

The authors of the letter also expressed support for a “Palestine and Praxis” open letter that was signed by hundreds of scholars from universities across the globe, calling on academic institutions to “respect the Palestinian call for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions of Israel by instating measures that remove complicity and partnership with military, academic, and legal institutions involved in entrenching Israel’s policies.”

The publication of the letter in the Daily Princetonian comes amid escalated violence between Israeli military forces and the Gaza-based Palestinian group known as Hamas.======================================
http://www.universitytimes.ie/2021/05/tcdsu-tcd-bds-call-on-college-researchers-to-boycott-israeli-academia/
MAY 18, 2021
TCDSU, TCD BDS Call on College Researchers to Boycott Israeli AcademiaOver 200 Palestinians have died over the past week due to Israeli airstrikes.Jody DruceSENIOR STAFF WRITER

Trinity College Dublin Students’ Union (TCDSU) and the TCD BDS campaign group have called on College academics to sign a pledge to boycott Israeli academia.

A Google Form where staff members can sign the pledge has been sent to all heads of Trinity’s schools.

The pledge, which is part of an open letter written by Scholars for Palestinian Freedom, calls for an “institutional academic boycott” until “Israel complies with international law and universal principles of human rights”.

The letter states: “In the classroom and on campus, we commit to pressuring our academic institutions and organizations to respect the Palestinian call for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions of Israel by instating measures that remove complicity and partnership with military, academic, and legal institutions involved in entrenching Israel’s policies.”

It also includes a pledge to support “student activism on campus, including, but not limited to sponsoring joint events and holding our universities’ accountable for violations of academic freedom” and a pledge to highlight “Palestinian scholarship on Palestine in syllabi, our writing, and through invitation of Palestinian scholars and community members to speak at departmental and university events.”

Signatories of the letter also commit to actively including Palestine as “a space and place worthy of substantive and historical integration into critical theory, not only as a case in a list of colonial examples”.

The letter also includes a commitment to “support community efforts and legislation to pressure our governments to end funding Israeli military aggression”.

TCD BDS is also holding a protest today in solidarity with Palestinians who are engaging in a general strike.

The description of the event on Facebook states: “Palestinians across Historic Palestine are observing tomorrow a General Strike to protest Israel’s massacres in Gaza and settler-colonial and apartheid repression and ethnic cleansing against Palestinian communities everywhere.”

“A call has gone out from families in Sheikh Jarrah, from Palestinians inside the Apartheid State of Israel, and from the occupied West Bank for solidarity actions across the globe!”, it added.

The groups are urging protesters to wear masks and to maintain social distancing protocols.

Conflict between Israel and the militant group Hamas continues to rage, despite US President Joe Biden’s calls for a ceasefire.

Israel airstrikes continued to bombard Gaza this morning, according to the Washington Post. Hamas’s rocket attacks have slowed, as Israeli airstrikes close off the group’s underground tunnels and disable its launch sites.

Some 212 Palestinians have died in Gaza due to Israeli airstrikes, while the death toll in Israel stands at 10.

The Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement works to end international support for Israel in the context of the country’s treatment of Palestinians.

In 2018, students voted for Trinity College Dublin Students’ Union (TCDSU) to support the BDS campaign.

Correction: May 20th, 2021
A previous version of this article incorrectly stated that the open letter had been circulated by the Irish Academics for Palestine. In fact, it had been circulated by Scholars for Palestinian Freedom.

Jewish Studies and Israel Studies Scholars Write Against Israel

27.05.21

Editorial Note

Scholars of Jewish Studies and Israel Studies published a declaration on Israel/Palestine, in May 2021.  

They “condemn the state violence that the Israeli government and its security forces have been carrying out in Gaza; their evictions of Palestinian residents of Sheikh Jarrah and other neighborhoods of East Jerusalem; and their suppression of civilian protests in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Jewish-Arab cities, and Palestinian towns and villages in Israel.” Their views on the right of Jews to the land is equally twisted: “We also acknowledge that the Zionist movement… was and is still shaped by settler colonial paradigms.” Moreover, they claim that “the Zionist movement and the state of Israel in twentieth-century Palestine, have contributed to unjust, enduring, and unsustainable systems of Jewish supremacy, ethnonational segregation, discrimination, and violence against Palestinians.” They argue that Israeli Jews “continue to unfold on land whose majority Palestinian population the state displaced, whose lands it confiscated, and whose return it prevented during and after the 1948 war, and on lands that it has occupied and settled since 1967.” That Israel should challenge and limit “applying a settler colonial paradigm to the Zionist case, the unique historical Jewish connection to and presence in the Land of Israel, and the modern desperation and victimization that has propelled Jewish and Zionist settlement.” 

Interestingly, they “affirm the pain, fear, and anger of Israeli Jews and Palestinian citizens of Israel who have lost loved ones and homes to unjustifiable and indiscriminate Hamas rockets.” Yet, they did not condemn the Hamas rockets.

They conclude by stating that “we assert our commitment to upholding student and faculty free speech and academic freedom. This includes our colleagues’ right, if they choose to do so, to respond to ongoing events through non-violent protest, including in the form of boycott or other organized economic pressure on Israel.”  

Israeli academics abroad, some teaching in prestigious American and British universities, are known for espousing anti-Israel ideas. For example, Uriel Abulof, Associate Professor at Tel Aviv University School of Political Science, Government and International Affairs, a fellow at Princeton University, was interviewed by an Ithaca newspaper last week. Questioned about the two-state solution, he said: “I think at that point and in many ways even today, the very existence of a Jewish polity, no matter at what territory, is considered almost an immoral abomination, a form of colonialism.” He said that most of his students have liberal political opinions that clash with nationalism spread by Benjamin Netanyahu. “They find it very troubling,” he said. 

Abulof said that Netanyahu stocks fear among Jews around the world by pushing an anti-Palestinian narrative. “People like Netanyahu manage to leverage the fear, the anxiety of many Jews in order to sustain the occupation, in order to include elements that are purely racist into the Israeli parliament.” He added: “This has been tearing apart the Jewish communities worldwide.” Abulof believes that “One way to resolve the issues is to say no negotiating, Palestinian state tomorrow… If Biden tomorrow morning said to Israel, you know what, forget about the American veto in the Security Council, the day after, the Security Council approves Palestine as an independent state.”

Ironically, the Israeli Embassy in Washington lists Abulof in their Speakers Guide.  

The hypocrisy of these and other detractors of Israel did not go unnoticed. 

Jarrod Tanny, a Jewish History Professor in the Department of History at the University of North Carolina, Wilmington, responded in an article, “Jewish studies — you have failed.” Tanny argued that in response to current threats and violence against Jews, these Jewish Studies academics decided to blame Israel for all that has ensued. Tanny accused the scholars of hypocrisy and political selectivity because “they only respond when white supremacists attack Jews.” If the assailants are wearing Palestinian keffiyehs, they get a pass.  When diaspora Jews are attacked by “Palestinian freedom fighters,” there was no single word from these Jewish Studies academics, collectively speaking. Tanny then noted: “You have stood up publicly for literally everybody. Except for the Jews.”    

By the same token, a recent article by Phyllis Chesler, Emerita Professor of Psychology and Women’s Studies at the City University of New York (CUNY), titled “Academics Use Propaganda, Not Expertise, to Bash Israel,” makes similar observations. She notes that feminist academics of gender studies and similar fields have not had much to say about the fact that “Under Hamas’s theocratic reign, women in Gaza cannot travel without consent from a male guardian.” She discussed the fact that just days before Hamas started the recent war, a female reporter in Gaza was beaten for daring to be outside without her head covered. Gaza is also known as one of the world’s most dangerous places for gays and lesbians. Why are academics silent about that? She asks. “How is it possible for academic feminists to be more concerned with the so-called occupation and colonization of a country that has never existed than with the occupation of real women’s bodies in that very region?” She concludes by stating that “it constitutes the death of Enlightenment values and the degradation of independent thought. It is certainly the death of real feminism.”

Tanny and Chesler have a point. By adopting a selective and hypocritical approach to the day’s major issues, social sciences have lost most of their credibility.  

https://israelpalestinejs.weebly.com/

ISRAEL/PALESTINE

Statement on Israel/Palestine
by Scholars of Jewish Studies and Israel Studies

May 2021

As scholars of Jewish Studies and Israel Studies based in various universities, departments, and disciplines, we condemn the state violence that the Israeli government and its security forces have been carrying out in Gaza; their evictions of Palestinian residents of Sheikh Jarrah and other neighborhoods of East Jerusalem; and their suppression of civilian protests in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Jewish-Arab cities, and Palestinian towns and villages in Israel. We express profound sadness at the recurrence of intercommunal violence between Jewish and Palestinian citizens of Israel and anger at the impunity enjoyed by most Jewish attackers.

We share and hold the pain of Gazans, who have lost and are losing family members, homes, property, businesses, cultural institutions, medical facilities, and civilian infrastructure to Israeli bombings and of Palestinians in the West Bank who have lost loved ones in shootings by security forces. We affirm the pain, fear, and anger of Israeli Jews and Palestinian citizens of Israel who have lost loved ones and homes to unjustifiable and indiscriminate Hamas rockets.

As such, we stand with our Israeli, Palestinian, American (including Jewish American), and international colleagues who are working towards a process of structural change that would bring equality and justice in Israel/Palestine, a systemically unequal space that, nonetheless and inescapably, has a common history and future. We also denounce expressions of antisemitism or islamophobia in connection with ongoing events in Israel/Palestine.

We are committed to scholarship, teaching, and learning about Jewish history, Zionism, and Israel in their global contexts and as shaped by historical and ongoing ideological trends, economic pressures, and waves of antisemitism. We also understand the State of Israel as a site of substantial Jewish diversity, ideological contention, and cultural flourishing, including among Sephardi and Mizrahi Jews, immigrants from the former USSR, Ethiopian Jews, and Jews displaced by the Holocaust and the violent spasms of modern nationalism. We value the work of our fellow Jewish Studies colleagues who are breaking new ground in the study of these topics and we understand how profoundly personal and emotion-laden these topics are for many Jews.

We also acknowledge that the Zionist movement, a diverse set of linked ethnonationalist ideologies, also was and is still shaped by settler colonial paradigms that saw land settlement as a virtuous means of solving political, economic, or cultural problems, as well as modern European Enlightenment discourses that assumed a hierarchy of civilizations and adopted the premise that technological progress and development of an ‘underdeveloped’ territory would be an unqualified good. These paradigms, as implemented by the Zionist movement and the state of Israel in twentieth-century Palestine, have contributed to unjust, enduring, and unsustainable systems of Jewish supremacy, ethnonational segregation, discrimination, and violence against Palestinians that have been forcefully condemned, including by Jews, Israeli citizens, and Israeli human rights groups such as B’Tselem. Israeli culture, society, and politics, moreover, continue to unfold on land whose majority Palestinian population the state displaced, whose lands it confiscated, and whose return it prevented during and after the 1948 war, and on lands that it has occupied and settled since 1967.

Israel is not the only state that must reckon with a history of land settlement and its enduring structural impacts on native or racialized populations. However, Israel, and those who study it or care about it, must do so even while recalling the challenges and limitations of applying a settler colonial paradigm to the Zionist case, the unique historical Jewish connection to and presence in the Land of Israel, and the modern desperation and victimization that has propelled Jewish and Zionist settlement.

We commit to exploring and engaging critically with these realities in our scholarly practice. As people who, by virtue of the work we do, focus on Jews and their experiences, we hold it imperative to listen to, amplify, and support our Palestinian and other colleagues whose scholarship details aspects of these histories and links Palestinians within Israel/Palestine to a broader Palestinian diaspora, to the Arab world, to Israeli and global Jewish communities, and to a variety of international communities. We understand the importance of continuing to reflect on the place of Palestine in Jewish Studies more broadly.

Recent events have reminded us that Palestinian citizens of Israel and Palestinian residents of the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem, who have a variety of different legal statuses, are neither disconnected from one another nor external to the ongoing history of Israel. They, alongside the country’s many Jewish communities, have been, are, and will continue to be integral to the political, cultural, social, and economic history of Israel/Palestine. They deserve to have their full human rights and collective rights acknowledged and respected, as do all Jews, all Palestinians, and all people.

We recognize the diverse communities invested in these interlinked stories, and the asymmetries of power and influence not only between but also within ethnic, national, and religious communities, including the Jewish community. Finally, we assert our commitment to upholding student and faculty free speech and academic freedom. This includes our colleagues’ right, if they choose to do so, to respond to ongoing events through non-violent protest, including in the form of boycott or other organized economic pressure on Israel. We are committed to continuing our engaged conversation and collaboration around these questions with our colleagues in multiple departments and programs as well as with members of the public.

https://israelpalestinejs.weebly.com/signatories.htmlISRAEL/PALESTINE

STATEMENT SIGNATORIES ADD YOUR NAME

Signatories

Any referenced titles or affiliations are included for identification purposes only. Signing this statement reflects personal views; we are not speaking for or in the name of any university, department, or program.

Shir Alon, Assistant professor, University of Minnesota
Yaakov Ariel, Professor of Religious Studies, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Karen Auerbach, Associate Professor of History, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Arash Azizi, PhD candidate in History, New York University
Lauren Banko, Research Associate, University of Manchester
Orit Bashkin, University of Chicago
Moshe Behar, Arabic & Middle Eatern Studies, U of Manchester, UK
Elissa Bemporad, Professor of History, Queens College and The Graduate Center – CUNY
Smadar Ben-Natan, Postdoctoral Fellow, University of Washington
Nimrod Ben-Zeev, Polonsky Academy Fellow, Van Leer Jerusalem Institute
Tova Benjamin, PhD Candidate, New York University
Rina Benmayor, Professor Emerita, California State University Monterey Bay
Beth Berkowitz, Barnard College
Lila Corwin Berman, Professor of History, Temple University
Richard Bodek, Professor of History, College of Charleston
Ra’anan Boustan, Research Scholar, Program in Judaic Studies, Princeton University
Samuel Hayim Brody, Associate Professor, University of Kansas
Vincent Calvetti, Ph.D. student, University of Washington
Michelle Campos, Associate Professor, Penn State
Marc Caplan, Brownstone Visiting Professor, Dartmouth College
Jessica L. Carr, Associate Professor and Berman Scholar of Jewish Studies, Lafayette College
Geoffrey Claussen, Associate Professor, Elon University
Aryeh Cohen, Professor, American Jewish University
Netta Cohen, University of Oxford
Alon Confino, PenTishkach Chair of Holocaust Studies, Professor of History and Jewish Studies, UMass Amherst
Andrea Cooper, Associate Professor, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Julia Kolchinsky Dasbach, University of Pennsylvania, Ph.D.
Evelyn Dean-Olmstead, Independent Scholar, Linguistic Anthropology, Latin American Jewish Studies
Rachel Deblinger, UCLA
Hasia Diner, Professor of American and Jewish History,  New York University
Sultan Doughan, Postdoctoral Associate, Elie Wiesel Center for Jewish Studies, Boston University
Jennifer Dowling, University of Sydney
Arie M. Dubnov, Max Ticktin Professor of Israel Studies, The George Washington University
Gordon Dueck, Assistant Professor, Jewish Studies, Queen’s University
Susan L. Einbinder, Professor, Hebrew and Judaic Studies, University of Connecticut
Ayala Fader, Professor of Anthropology and Jewish Studies, Fordham University
Rachel Feldman, Assistant Professor of Judaic Studies/Religious Studies, Franklin and Marshall College
Emily Filler, Assistant Professor, Washington and Lee University
Louis Fishman, Associate Professor, Brooklyn College, CUNY
Charlotte Elisheva Fonrobert, Associate Professor of Religious Studies, Stanford University
ChaeRan Y. Freeze, Professor, Brandeis University
Michal Friedman, Assistant Teaching Professor & Jack Buncher Professor of Jewish Studies, Dept. of History, Carnegie Mellon University
Libby Garland, Associate Professor of History, Kingsborough Community College, CUNY
Olga Gershenson, Professor of Judaic and Near Eastern Studies, UMass Amherst  
Shai Ginsburg, Associate Professor, Duke University
Jennifer Glaser, Associate Professor, University of Cincinnati
Amos Goldberg, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Evan Goldstein, PhD Candidate in Religion & Modernity, Yale University
Pratima Gopalakrishnan, Postdoctoral Fellow, Duke University
Maxwell Greenberg, Graduate Student, UCLA
Liora R. Halperin, Associate Professor, University of Washington
Shay Hazkani, Assistant Professor of History and Jewish Studies University of Maryland, College Park
Alma Heckman, Assistant Professor, UC Santa Cruz
Elizabeth Heineman, Professor, University of Iowa
Roni Henig, Assistant Professor, New York University
Rachel Herman, USC Shoah Foundation
Faith Hillis, Associate Professor, University of Chicago
Dana Hollander, McMaster University
John Huddlestun, Associate Professor, College of Charleston
Mostafa Hussein, University of Michigan
Curtis Hutt, Associate Professor of Religious Studies, University of Nebraska at Omaha
Sarah Imhoff, Associate Professor, Indiana University
Mara W. Cohen Ioannides, Missouri State University
Gregory Irwin, USC Shoah Foundation
Elisa von Joeden-Forgey, Endowed Chair of Holocaust and Genocide Studies, Keene State College
Robert Johnston, Professor of History, University of Illinois Chicago
Hilary Kalisman, Assistant Professor of History, Endowed Professor of Israel/Palestine Studies in the Program for Jewish Studies, University of Colorado Boulder
Amy Kaminsky, Professor Emerita, University of Minnesota
Eileen Kane, Associate Professor of History, Connecticut College
Philip Keisman, PhD candidate, CUNY Graduate Center
Nancy Ko, PhD student, Columbia University
Anna Koch, University of Leeds
Ofri Krischer, Ph.D. student, George Washington University
Tally Kritzman-Amir, Visiting Associate Professor Harvard University
Jacob Ari Labendz, Assistant Professor, Youngstown State University
Jenny Labendz, Assistant Professor of Religious studies, St. Francis College, Brooklyn Heights, NY
Tim Langille, Senior Lecturer, Arizona State University
Nitzan Lebovic, Professor of History and Jewish Studies, Lehigh University
Laura Levitt, Professor, Temple University
Lital Levy, Associate Professor, Princeton University
Miriam Libicki, Instructor, Emily Carr University / Graphic Novelist
Yaakov Lipsker, PhD student, Jewish Theological Seminary
Raphael Magarik, Assistant Professor of English, University of Illinois at Chicago
Shaul Magid, Professor of Jewish Studies, Dartmouth College
Jessica Marglin, University of Southern California
Arturo Marzano, Associate Professor, University of Pisa
Daniel May, Hebrew Union College
Devi Mays, Associate Professor of Judaic Studies and History, University of Michigan
Charles McDonald, Sava Ranisvljevic Postdoctoral Fellow, Northwestern University
David Mednicoff, Associate Professor of Middle Eastern Studies and Public Policy, UMass Amherst
Shaul Mitelpunkt, Senior Lecturer in Modern History, The University of York
Leslie Morris, Professor of German, University of Minnesota
Eva Mroczek, University of California, Davis
Harriet Murav, Center for Advanced Studies Professor / University of Illinois Urbana Champaign
Dorit Naaman, Professor, Queen’s University, Canada
Devin E. Naar, Associate Professor, University of Washington
Rachel Rafael Neis, Associate Professor, University of Michigan
Tamar Novick, Senior Research Scholar, Max Planck Institute for the History of Science
Atalia Omer, Professor of Religion, Conflict and Peace Studies, University of Notre Dame
Ranen Omer-Sherman, Endowed Chair of Jewish Studies, University of Louisville
Craig Perry, Assistant Professor, Emory University
Riv-Ellen Prell, Professor Emerita, American Studies and Center for Jewish Studies University of Minnesota
Vadim Putzu, Associate Professor of Religious Studies, Missouri State University
Shari Rabin, Assistant Professor, Oberlin College
Moriel Ram, Lecturer in Politics of the Global South, Newcastle University
Ben Ratskoff, Ph.D. student, UCLA
Elliot Ratzman, Earlham College
Maryanne Rhett, Professor, Monmouth University
Cara Rock-Singer, Assistant Professor, University of Wisconsin-Madison
Na’ama Rokem, University of Chicago
Michael Rom, Postdoctoral Fellow, University of Cape Town
Sven-Erik Rose, Associate Professor, University of California, Davis
Kate Rosenblatt, Assistant Professor, Religion and Jewish Studies, Emory University
Bruce Rosenstock, Professor, University of illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Noga Rotem, Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of Washington
Michael Rothberg, Professor of English, Comparative Literature, & Holocaust Studies, UCLA
Nora L. Rubel, Associate Professor of Religion, University of Rochester
Joshua A. Sabih, Senior Researcher, Roskilde University and University of Copenhagen
Brent E. Sasley, Associate Professor, University of Texas at Arlington
Allison Schachter, Associate Professor, Vanderbilt University
Suzanne Schneider, Deputy Director & Core Faculty, Brooklyn Institute for Social Research
Abby Schrader, Professor of History, Franklin and Marshall College
Benjamin Schreier, Professor of English and Jewish Studies, Pennsylvania State University
Jonathan Sciarcon, Associate Professor of History and Judaic Studies, University of Denver
Raz Segal, Associate Professor of Holocaust and Genocide Studies, Stockton University
Naomi Seidman, Professor, University of Toronto
Sasha Senderovich, Assistant Professor, University of Washington
Yossi Shabo, Ph.D. student, University of California, Santa Cruz
Joshua Shanes, Associate Professor, College of Charleston
Adam Shear, Associate Professor of Religious Studies, University of Pittsburgh
Sam Shuman, PhD Candidate, University of Michigan
Tamir Sorek, Pennsylvania State University
Neta Stahl, Associate Professor, Johns Hopkins University
Ronit Y. Stahl, Assistant Professor of History/University of California, Berkeley
Charlie Steinman, Ph.D. student, Department of History, Columbia University
Lior B. Sternfeld, Associate Professor, Penn State
Mira Sucharov, Professor of Political Science, Carleton University
Carol Symes, Associate Professor of History, Classics, and Medieval Studies, University of Illinois Urbana Champaign
Sheera Talpaz, Assistant Professor of Jewish Studies and Comparative Literature, Oberlin College
Frances Tanzer, Assistant Professor of History, Clark University
Irene Tucker, Professor of English, University of California, Irvine
Alana M. Vincent, Associate Professor of Jewish Philosophy, Religion and Imagination, University of Chester
Mark S. Wagner, Professor of Arabic, Louisiana State University
Steven Wagner, Lecturer in International Security, Brunel University London
Yair Wallach, Senior Lecturer in Israel Studies, SOAS, University of London
Avery Weinman, Ph.D. student, UCLA
Sarah S. Willen, Associate Professor of Anthropology, University of Connecticut
Diane L. Wolf, Professor, University of California, Davis
Mir Yarfitz, Director of Jewish Studies, Associate Professor, Wake Forest University
Orian Zakai, Assistant Professor of Hebrew, George Washington University
Saul Zaritt, Associate Professor, Harvard University
Sarah Ellen Zarrow, Endowed Professor of Jewish History/Assistant Professor, Western Washington University
Ran Zwigenberg, Associate Professor of Asian Studies and Jewish Studies, Penn State

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https://www.investigativeproject.org/8868/academics-use-propaganda-not-expertise-to-bash

Academics Use Propaganda, Not Expertise, to Bash Israel

by Phyllis Chesler
IPT News
May 24, 2021

Men wearing Palestinian keffiyas have been running around beating up Jews in the streets of America and Europe. Israel was envisioned as the safe haven for persecuted Jews living in exile, and now Jews living in the diaspora are being attacked because Israel not only exists, but dares to defend itself against Islamist terrorist aggression.

In addition, interfaith do-gooders, feminist academics, and scholars in general are issuing statements of support for Palestine, but not for Israel, which has been under the most profound siege.

A group calling itself the Palestinian Feminist Collective launched “A Love Letter to our People in Palestine,” which states that “once again, Palestinians from the far north to the far south of our homeland are defying settler colonialism’s attempts to partition the land and the people….” Buzz words such as “settler violence” and “ethnic cleansing,” are employed and understood as “part of the ongoing Nakba [catastrophe] that has spanned Palestinian time and space since 1948.”

The Collective’s feminism is one in which “gendered violence is core to settler colonial practice. We stand with you (as you) resist this masculinized and militarized colonization.”

Its language is communist revolutionary language and is a throwback to the West’s romance with Che Guevara, Mao, Stalin, and the American Black Panthers.

Subsequently, academic feminists, issued a statement “In Solidarity With Palestinian Feminist Collective,” which links to non-scholarly boilerplate propaganda, none of which is concerned with the Islamic gender apartheid that afflicts Arab Palestinian women in Israel, Gaza, and on the West Bank. They focus on “evictions in East Jerusalem” without understanding the history, legality, or nature of this dispute.

The statement itself is problematic, but worse, it lists entire departments at dozens of universities. This was done without the knowledge or approval of some, if not many, of the faculty members who work in them.

The gender studies people link to facts about the “humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip,” which fail to acknowledge that Israel left Gaza in 2005. Whatever the situation there may be, it is due to Hamas’s greed, corruption, and terrorist goals.

Dear God: How is it possible to claim that “Palestine is a feminist issue,” which they do, without even mentioning forced child marriage, forced veiling, and honor killing – which are indigenous customs – not caused by the alleged Israeli occupation?

Under Hamas’s theocratic reign, women in Gaza cannot travel without consent from a male guardian. Days before Hamas started the latest war, a female reporter in Gaza was beaten for daring to be outside with her head uncovered. Gaza is among the world’s most dangerous places for gays and lesbians. The gender studies and feminist academics have not had much to say about these issues.

How is it possible for academic feminists to be more concerned with the so-called occupation and colonization of a country that has never existed than with the occupation of real women’s bodies in that very region?

Those who care so much about trigger warnings and micro-aggressions seem not to care about the trauma of having to get to a bomb shelter within 15 seconds or in no more than a minute in Israel; the trauma of having to live and sleep in a bomb shelter; the trauma of rockets overhead. This is Israel’s reality – and only became reality for Gazans after Hamas attacked Israel in 2006, 2009, 2012, 2014, 2019, and in 2021.

These feminist professors have not signed their individual names because their entire departments have signed on to this statement. This includes: Amherst, Barnard, nine California universities, Georgetown, Georgia State, Rutgers, Stanford, University of Hawaii, Washington State, Yale, as well as nine Canadian universities – McMaster University, Mount Royal University, Queens University, Saint Mary’s University, St. Francis Xavier University, University of British Columbia, University of Regina, University of Waterloo, and York University.

I randomly sampled the publications of one professor at each of 10 gender, women’s studies, and sexuality departments. Their specialties include the study of testosterone, and the “reciprocal relations between science and the social hierarchies of gender, sexuality and race”; transnational feminist and Caribbean Studies, the Black Radical Tradition, and Guyana; Queer Kinship in Taiwanrace and technology, white supremacy and racial liberalism; Queer, Race, and Queers of Colorobesity, IVF failures, and endurance sports such as marathon swimming; Feminist Performance, Cultural Criticism, Theories of Race; Sexuality, psychoanalytic, postcolonial, queer and trans theories.

Only one professor at the University of California, Berkeley Law School has addressed the issue of honor killing – but mainly to attack President Trump and Ayaan Hirsi Ali for misguidedly stigmatizing an entire people for crimes that allegedly also occur in the non-Muslim West.

Perhaps this is what is now considered “feminist” work. But none of these randomly chosen 10 have an advanced degree in the history and nature of the Middle East, the Arab World, Islam, Judaism, or Israel. None are teaching courses in such areas as experts. They are merely using their expert credentials to support propaganda.

The feminist academics are not alone. Another statement, “Palestine and Praxis: Scholars for Palestinian Freedom,” features 70 pages of signatories with about 45 names on each page. This amounts to approximately 3,150 signatures and counting. These professors teach all over the United States, including at Ivy League schools, Canada, France, Holland, Ireland, Spain, Switzerland, the UK, Australia, Bangladesh, Egypt, India, Indonesia, Jordan, South Africa, and Turkey.

“As scholars, we affirm the Palestinian struggle as an indigenous liberation movement confronting a settler colonial state,” the statement says. “Israel is once again conducting a large-scale aerial bombing campaign… Palestinian scholars write under the threat of settler colonial erasure and imposition of exile… it is imperative that we not enact their replacement and erasure within our own scholarship… Scholarship without action normalizes the status quo and reinforces Israel’s impunity…”

What is “praxis?” It means “practice,” or “action.” Do these professors believe that the very use of the word “praxis” constitutes an action of some kind? If so, toward what end? They tell us.

“Scholarship without action normalizes the status quo and reinforces Israel’s impunity… scholarship must also be ethical by centering decolonization and raising the voices of Palestinian scholars so that they remain sources of authority and not merely objects of study.”

Thus, the professors call on scholars to commit to BDS – boycott campaigns – and to anti-Israel campus activism and to “pressure (their) government to end funding Israeli military aggression.”

This statement is, quite simply, a declaration of war on the Jewish state.

Guess what? Only 11 of the first 450 signatories teach in Middle East, Palestine, and Arabic Studies.

Both the feminist academics and the “scholars” are recycling Palestinian Islamist propaganda and trying to pass it off as scholarly opinion. Do not fall for it. What both statements say can be heard on Fridays in the most fundamentalist of mosques throughout the Middle East and among the statements of Muslim Brotherhood outposts such as the Muslim Student Association and the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR).

To them, “Palestine” symbolizes the most sacred oppression and the most important indigenous resistance.

When presumed scholars pontificate on issues beyond their expertise on issues as complex as these, it constitutes the death of Enlightenment values and the degradation of independent thought. It is certainly the death of real feminism.

Phyllis Chesler is an Emerita Professor of Psychology and Women’s Studies at the City University of New York (CUNY), and the author of 20 books, including Women and Madness, and A Family Conspiracy: Honor Killings. She is a Senior IPT Fellow, and a Fellow at MEF and ISGAP.

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https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/jewish-studies-you-have-failed/
Jewish studies — you have failed Jarrod Tanny  
MAY 22, 2021, 6:44 AM

2017 – Charlottesville: an outpouring of anger and grief from Jewish studies faculty

2018 – Tree of Life: : an outpouring of anger and grief from Jewish studies faculty

2021: Threats and violence in the diaspora against Jews because of what Israel is (allegedly) doing. The response – a collective letter blaming Israel for all that has ensued.

Jewish studies – you have failed

I have been saying this for three years, that the left only cares about attacks against Jews when it comes from white supremacists. And now we know with the utmost certainty that this is also true of Jewish studies scholar-activists.

Jewish studies – you have failed.

If the assailants are brown, if they are wearing Palestinian keffiyehs, or if they are holding BLM signs, they get a pass. Jews in America and Europe are fair game, because in the hierarchy of “structural racism” we “white Jews” are the oppressors.

You may claim that this is about Israel. And you are free to issue your virtue signaling one-sided documents blaming the Jewish state for a complicated conflict in the middle east.

But guess what? Not only will that not solve the conflict, it actually endangers diaspora Jews. And we have seen this concretely this week.

All that said, this isn’t the worst of it. No, the worst of it is the utter silence when diaspora Jews are actually attacked by “Palestinian freedom fighters”.

There have been more Jewish casualties in the diaspora this week than Charlottesville and Tree of Life, and there has not been a single word from you, collectively speaking. Not one word from the signers of this one-sided statement.

Sure, nobody has died. But is cold-blooded murder the threshold for you to speak out? A cursory glance at inter-War Europe, even Nazi Germany in its early years, amply demonstrates that vandalism, bullying, and physical assaults precede murder. But they still constitute hate crimes.

All you had to do – at a bare minimum – was to insert a paragraph into your condemnatory statement of Israel that “attacks against diaspora Jews are inexcusable.” That’s it.

But even that, apparently, is too much to ask.

Why is it so much to ask, when you, committed scholar-activists, have issued countless statements over the past 5 years, standing up for Muslims, Black people, Latinx, Asian Americans. You have stood up publicly for literally everybody. Except for the Jews. Or rather, except for the Jews, when the perpetrators are not white supremacists.

Why? Perhaps David Hirsh is correct that this is the price of admission into Woke circles – you have to demonstrates that left-wing antisemitism is kosher. Well, you have done that. Congratulations.

Or maybe you are in fact self-hating Jews, as I argued – with reluctance to use the term – in an op-ed I wrote.

You have betrayed your community, you have betrayed your students, and you have made a mockery of our field in the academe, because there exists no other field that is so disdainful of the community is studies.

And one last time – when I say you betrayed your “community” I don’t mean Israelis, though of course your abandonment of Israel is clear and has been clear for quite some time.

No, I mean your community in the diaspora. The Jews who walk among you are being forced to take the “Palestine litmus test” for their worthiness. Of course, many who have been attacked this week were not even interrogated. It was just assumed that they failed the anti-Zionist litmus test because they were visibly Jewish.

I had intended to write an op-ed painstakingly deconstructing all that is wrong with the condemnatory statement of Israel, how blaming Israel while ignoring Hamas’s rockets of terror is not only immoral but speaks of a deep historical ignorance.

But I concluded that was pointless, because your failure to stand by Israel pales in comparison to your failure at home.

So I will say it one last time.

As a collective, Jewish studies, you have failed.

*****

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Jarrod Tanny is an Associate Professor and Block Distinguished Scholar in Jewish History in the Department of History, University of North Carolina Wilmington.
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https://www.weny.com/story/43894915/free-palestine-ithaca-speaks-out-against-the-israel-palestine-conflict

“Free Palestine”: Ithaca Speaks Out Against the Israel Palestine Conflict

Monday, May 17th 2021, 7:33 PM EDT
By Cody Taylor

ITHACA, N.Y.(WENY)– Around 100 people attended a protest on May 16th on the Ithaca Commons to show opposition to the killing of Palestinians by the Israeli Government.

There is not much that is new about this conflict, as it has been going on for over 70 years; what is new is the number of protests and attention this issue has received within the United States.

Malak Abuhashim, a Cornell student who is Palestinian but grew up in Cleveland Ohio said she started spreading the word about the oppression of her people at a very young age after she noticed that Americans had little interest in the Israeli Palestinian conflict.

“I switched to the public schools and I was like wait, people here do not know about Palestine,” said Abuhashim. “ I was in second grade and I was going around in my little class being like hey guys, support Palestine and it just shows I have always had to speak out about the oppression my people face at such a young age.”

Abuhashim’s family originated from Yibna Palestine and fled during the 1940s because of the conflict.

“ Our family lived there for generations, we had houses there, farms and everything and we was forced to flee,” said Abuhashim.

The experience that Abuhashim is describing, the 1940s, is when an increasing number of Jews were arriving in Palestine, after fleeing persecution in Europe and seeking a homeland following the Holocaust of World War 2. Prior to this Britain took control of the area known as Palestine after the Ottoman Empire was defeated during World War 1. Tensions between the Jews and the Palestinians were growing during the 1920s to the 1940s  as Britain was tasked with establishing a home for the Jewish people.

Like Abuhashim’s family, many others had considered Palestine home for decades, but on the other hand, the Jews said it was their ancestral home.

Tensions between Jews and Arabs eventually turned into violence, from 1920 to 1948 there were an estimated 20,600 lives taken.

A popular solution that has been discussed many times throughout this 73-year conflict has been a two-state solution, which envisions an independent state of Palestine alongside the state of Israel.

The first time this was tried was in 1937, The Peel Commission Plan, which was a recommendation by the British Government to split the state into a Jewish state and an Arab state. This plan would have allocated a large majority of Israel to the Palestinians and was ultimately rejected by the Arabs.

Uriel Abulof, Associate Professor at Tel Aviv University School of Political Science, Government and International Affairs said looking back at that decision from 1937 says a lot.

“I think at that point and in many ways even today, the very existence of a Jewish polity, no matter at what territory, is considered almost an immoral abomination, a form of colonialism,” said Abulof.

This two-state solution was tried again in 1947 and was rejected by the Arabs, which ultimately led to British rulers leaving and the state of Palestine being declared the state of Israel.

War followed the creation of the state of Israel and led to hundreds of thousands of Palestinians, like Abuhashim’s grandparents, being forced out of their homes in what is known as the Catastrophe. Most Palestinians who fled ended up living in the Gaza strip and the West Bank, two areas that have received aerial bombardments from Israel airstrikes in the past few days.

“I have cousins I have never met, I have uncles and aunts I probably never will be able to see, everything that is happening [with the bombings and the conflict] is happening to them and around them,” said Abuhashim.

Abulof said through speaking to students about this conflict he found that the majority of his Jewish students agree that Palestinians should have their own state. He also feels that the majority of his students have a liberal political view system, that is clashing with Nationalism spread by Benjamin Netanyahu, the Prime Minister of Israel.  

“They find it very troubling because they see themselves as part of the Jewish people, in principle, that the Jewish people have a right to have their own state,” said Abulof.  “It has been increasingly hard for Liberal Jews to say ok, we support a Jewish state, what does it mean to support a Jewish state, do you support people like [Benjamin Netanyahu]?.”

Abulof said Netanyahu stocks the fear of Jewish people around the world by pushing an anti-Palestinian narrative, a narrative that would proceed the Jewish state, leaving only Palestine where “Jews will at best be able to survive”.

“People like Netanyahu manage to leverage the fear, the anxiety of many Jews in order to sustain the occupation, in order to include elements that are purely racist into the Israeli parliament,” said Abulof. “This has been tearing apart the Jewish communities worldwide. “

Abulof said in his two years of being in the U.S., he had hope of bringing people from both sides of the conflict together.

“To see if there is any possibility here, you know, so far away from where the violence is to try and come together, to grieve together, to mourn together the deaths,” said Abulof. “ To somehow build some bridges, but… there was no willingness for that.”

Abulof argues that the concentration should not be about where this conflict started or who is right and who is wrong but instead on the fact that this has become an existential conflict.

 “It’s the belief that the world, the land, whatever is not big enough for the both of us and so it’s either us or them,” said Abulof.

Abulof does not think that the Israeli’s or the Palestinians will solve the problem on their own.

“ The solution lies within mitigating the radical veto, to stop the radical veto one way or another,” said Abulof.

Abulof believes there are two ways to do that, one is the top-down method, which establishes a Palestinian state before a negotiation for peace happens.  

“ So far what we have done is negotiated the establishment of a Palestinian state,” said Abulof. “ One way to resolve the issues is to say no negotiating, Palestinian state tomorrow. “

In order for this top-down method to happen the Biden administration would need to take out its own veto right in the Security Council.

“ If Biden tomorrow morning said to Israel, you know what, forget about the American veto in the Security Council, the day after, the Security Council approves Palestine as an independent state,” said Abulof.

The other possibility is the bottom-up method or as Abulof calls it, “the Double Referendum.” This method would require both Palestinians and Israelis to go to the ballot to say yes or no to a very basic outline of the two-state solution.

“The Arab neighborhoods of Jerusalem will go to Palestine, the Jewish to Israel,” said Abulof. “ The Palestinians will take 100% of the land and if there are parts that will remain in Israel, there will be a territorial exchange in a rate of 1 to 1.”

BGU Oren Yiftachel’s Apartheid Analogy Serves to Harm Israel

19.05.21

Editorial Note

IAM reported recently how Oren Yiftachel, a BGU Professor of Geography, co-authored the Bt’selem report that found Israel to be an apartheid state.  Shortly after, the New York-based Human Rights Watch (HRW) found Israel to be an apartheid state. The HRW report relies heavily on Bt’selem.  

The HRW has demonstrated considerable anti-Israeli bias. For example, the report states that “Israeli authorities methodically privilege Jewish Israelis and discriminate against Palestinians. Laws, policies, and statements by leading Israeli officials make plain that the objective of maintaining Jewish Israeli control over demographics, political power, and land has long guided government policy. In pursuit of this goal, authorities have dispossessed, confined, forcibly separated, and subjugated Palestinians by virtue of their identity to varying degrees of intensity. In certain areas, as described in this report, these deprivations are so severe that they amount to the crimes against humanity of apartheid and persecution.”  

As has been the case with other anti-Israeli writings, the HRW has not bothered to contextualize its claims, let alone mention the role of Palestinian terrorism in the region’s history. 

As a result of the apartheid accusations, hundreds of academics around the globe have recently circulated on social media the following statement: “I am an academic and I call for a free Palestine and an end to the Israeli state’s apartheid. This is integral to both my moral world view and my scholarship. Pass it on.”

The current escalation of war by Hamas in Gaza and the Palestinians elsewhere against Israel has prompted radical Israeli academics to take the Palestinian side. For example, some faculty in Bezalel Academy of Art and Design have published a petition supporting their Palestinian students who went on strike upon the request of the Palestinian Authority as a Day of Rage. The petition states, “We wish express our sympathy with your struggle for the home and freedom in light of the police and settler violence, the fruits of the government policies, expressed in the current events in Sheikh Jarrah, the Damascus Gate, and the Al-Aqsa Mosque, we understand full-well the difficulty of studying at institutes of the occupying and oppressive people, and all the more so at this time.”

Responding to these charges, Yuval Elbashan, a Law Professor at the Ono Academic College, asked why anyone who sees Israel as an oppressor would earn a salary from her academic institutions? He wrote, “it is clear there is freedom of expression and academic freedom, and it is also clear that Bezalel lecturers are allowed to hold such opinions,” still, anyone who agrees to earn a salary from an institution he believes that represents occupation and oppression, “sells his soul” to injustice. “If you think that Israel is a country born of sin… you should act like Malcolm X and refuse to give it legitimacy by receiving income from it. Otherwise, you have no integrity, no courage, and you are far from being a role model.”  

Oren Yiftachel responded to Elbashan: “Yuval, as a lawyer and leftist do you despise people who seek to protect human rights? Precisely as employees in a public institution, it is their duty (not just their right) to express sympathy with the victims and support their rights (I would add opposition to harming civilians). The state is indeed occupying and oppressive. This is a truth that is not related to the source of income of the protesters. Precisely the silence in the face of the events by most lecturers is more disturbing. I will not despise those who are silent like you but putting a mirror in front of them shows their cowardice.”

Even Jewish academics in the US are often recruited to lead the anti-Israel trend. For example, The Professor Is In (TPII), a popular website run by Dr. Karen Kelsky, who writes guidance on Ph.D. to thousands of researchers, including the Israeli Bashaar-Academia-IL Network, has dropped her professional façade and wrote in support of the Palestinians. “We at TPII condemn the latest wave of Israeli violence against Palestinians. I am Jewish and I have no sympathy for this Israeli state terrorism. We are thinking of our Palestinian readers and clients.” She took it even further and added, “Israel-apologists and ‘both side’-ers have been and will continue to be deleted and banned.”  When asked by Rachel Harris, Professor of Jewish Literature and Culture, “What does that even mean? I’m literally a professor who wrote books on this subject. Am I not welcome to share my professional expertise?” TPII answered her: “No.” Clearly, according to Kelsky, only the Palestinians have rights.

For two decades, Yiftachel and many academic activists have espoused anti-Israel rhetoric, and the Western academy picked this up. They have been pushing for the delegitimization of Israel at the request of their Palestinian and pro-Palestinian peers. They twisted the truth about Israel’s motives and actions while staying silent about the lack of quality of Palestinian life in the West Bank and Gaza under Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), which both use the population as human shields to hide their military assets.  Hamas has spent untold millions of dollars donated to the Palestinians and tons of cement to build an elaborate network of tunnels for the militants and their equipment.  Using the same funds, Hamas and PIJ had bought or manufactured thousands of missiles and rockets to terrorize Israeli cities.   

Yiftachel and other architects of the theory that Israel is an apartheid state understood that the apartheid analogy would be a catchy way to push the delegitimization of Israel in the larger academic community and international public opinion.  Needless to say, the apartheid analogy would never allow an honest discussion of the miseries which the Palestinian authorities, and especially Hamas, inflict on their own population. 

https://www.facebook.com/groups/bashaaracil/permalink/3859091950886460/https://www.facebook.com/yuval.elbashan/posts/10224039262786031
Yubal Elbashan:

אז ברור שיש חופש ביטוי וחופש אקדמי וברור גם שמותר למרצים ולמרצות בבצלאל לאחוז בדעות מהסוג הזה ולתמוך במאבק תלמידיהם הפלסטינים וברור אפילו שמותר להם לעשות זאת גם אם בדבריהם הם פוגעים בסטודנטים אחרים (שאני מניח שגם הם נמצאים במוסד וחשים כעת מופקרים בביתם האקדמי). זה ברור ולכן אין להטיל עליהם שום סנקציה. נקודה. לפגוע בהם אסור אבל ברמה האישית מותר לבוז לעליבות המוסרית של מי שמסכים לשרת ולהתפרנס ממוסד שמייצג בעיניו ו”ביתר שאת בנסיבות הנוכחיות” (של מאבק דמים בגבולות 48 ולא רק 67. בלוד ולא באיתמר) “עם כובש ומדכא”. שום אקרובטיקה רטורית (מהסוג המביך של rebellious teaching, או “אי הפקרת הזירה” ודומיו) לא תסתיר את העובדה שאותו/ה מרצה מוכר את נשמתו למי שבעיניו מייצג עוול. אם אתה חושב שישראל היא מדינה שנולדה בחטא (כאמור בערי 48) אתה אמור לנהוג כמו מלקולם איקס ולסרב לתת לה לגיטימציה בעצם קבלת השכר ממנה. אחרת אין לך יושרה, אין לך אומץ ואתה רחוק מלהיות מודל לחיקוי מוסרי.
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https://www.facebook.com/groups/bashaaracil/permalink/3859091950886460/?comment_id=3859236014205387
Oren Yiftachel

יובל, בתור משפטן ואיש שמאל אתה בז לאנשים שמבקשים להגן על זכויות אדם? דווקא בתור עובדים במוסד ציבורי חובתם (לא רק זכותם) להביע הזדהות עם המותקפים ותמיכה בזכויות (הייתי מוסיף התנגדות לםגיעה באזרחים). המדינה אכן כובשת ומדכאת, זאת אמת שלא קשורה במקור המשכורת של המוחים. דווקא השתיקה מול האירועים בה לוקים מרבית המרצים יותר ומטרידה. לא אבוז לשותקים כמוך, אך אציב מולם מראה לפחדנותם..

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Professor Fleming@alwaystheself·5hIamanacademicandIcallforafreePalestineandanendtotheIsraelistate’sapartheid. Thisisintegraltobothmymoralworld view andmy scholarship. Pass it on.Quote Tweet

#PettyPendergrass@ashoncrawley · 5hI am an academic and I call for a free Palestine and an end to the Israeli state’s apartheid. This is integral to both my moral world view and my scholarship. Pass it on.

Marc Lamont Hill  @marclamonthill May 17 IamanacademicandIcallforafreePalestineandanendtotheIsraelistate’sapartheid
. Thisisintegraltobothmymoralworld view andmy scholarship. Pass it on.Quote Tweet

Heba Gowayed هبة جويد@hebagowayed · May 16I am an academic and I call for a free Palestine and an end to the Israeli state’s apartheid. This is integral to both my moral world view and my scholarship. Pass it on. twitter.com/sdfahrenthold/
İlkay ERDOĞAN ORHAN@ilkay_E_ORHAN·May 16Defalarca söyledim,bir kez daha söylemekten onur duyuyorum #Palestine”I’ve told many times and again say that “IamanacademicandIcallforafreePalestineandanendtotheIsraelistate’sapartheid. Thisisintegraltobothmymoralworld view andmy scholarship.”Pass it on

Ahsan Fuzail@AhsanFuzail·May 16It’s quite simple. I am just starting out on the journey of being anacademic, but there is no doubt in my mind when IcallforafreePalestineandanendtotheIsraelistate’sapartheid. Thisisintegraltobothmymoralworld view andmy scholarship. Pass it on.
https://twitter.com/cjvhenderson/status/1393452746012037120
Christian Henderson@CjvHendersonPolitical economy, political ecology and Middle East and North Africa. Assistant professor @unileiden
Christian Henderson@CjvHenderson·May 15I am an academic and I call for a free Palestine and an end to the Israeli state’s apartheid. This is integral to both my moral world view and my scholarship.

Carl Gibson@carl_al_ajnabee Researcher in Terrorism Studies and Palestinian politics | Assistant Professor @Nottspolitics Nablus, Palestine/ LondonJoined April 2009806 Following598 Followers
Carl Gibson@carl_al_ajnabee·May 16I am an academic and I call for a free Palestine and an end to the Israeli state’s apartheid. This is integral to both my moral world view and my scholarship

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The Professor Is In.

15 May at 21:09  · We at TPII condemn the latest wave of Israeli violence against Palestinians. I am Jewish and I have no sympathy for this Israeli state terrorism. We are thinking of our Palestinian readers and clients. I’d be grateful for suggestions where to donate to support Palestinian victims. We will do another matching donation like we did for India last week (raised $610 in total).(Sorry for delay in posting on this; I was out of office most of last with another family situation–it’s been a year).

https://apnews.com/…/israel-west-bank-gaza-middle-east…

AuthorThe Professor Is In.Israel-apologists and “both side”-ers have been and will continue to be deleted and banned.
https://www.facebook.com/TheProfessorIsIn/posts/4055418051171378?comment_id=4056722731040910
AuthorThe Professor Is In.Again: all Israel apologists and “both-side”-ers will be immediately deleted and banned.

Rachel HarrisThe Professor Is In. What does that even mean? I’m literally a professor who wrote books on this subject. Am I not welcome to share my professional expertise?

AuthorThe Professor Is In.Rachel Harris No.

================================================================  https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/palestinians-stage-nation-wide-general-strike

Palestinians to stage nationwide general strike as air raids pummel Gaza

Strike will be held across occupied Palestinian territories as well as Palestinian towns inside Israel on Tuesday, as intense Israeli bombing shows no signs of abatingBy Shatha Hammad in Occupied West BankPublished date: 17 May 2021 19:56 UTC | Last update: 10 hours 35 mins ago

Palestinians across the political divide have said a nationwide general strike will commence on Tuesday to protest Israel’s continuing bombardment of the besieged Gaza Strip.

The strike, which will see the disruption of all economic and commercial establishments in Jerusalem, the occupied West Bank, Gaza and Palestinian communities inside Israel, comes as more than 200 people, including 61 children, have been killed in intense Israeli attacks on the besieged enclave of two million people.

The strike also comes amid plans to forcibly displace residents of the Palestinian neighbourhood of Sheikh Jarrah, and days of attacks at the al-Aqsa Mosque compound. 

News of the initiative was welcomed by Palestinian political parties, unions, syndicates and institutions, which published statements confirming their commitment. Residents of the occupied Syrian Golan Heights have also declared that they would partake. 

When the masses call, the establishment heeds

Unlike previous calls for general strikes, which have historically been made by political parties, unions or federations, Tuesday’s strike was organised and pushed for by ordinary Palestinians. 

The High Follow-Up Committee for Arab Citizens of Israel said in a statement that it had taken a decision to include all sectors in the strike, with private education being the only exclusion. 

For its part, the Fatah Central Committee called for Palestinians across the West Bank to adhere to the general strike, and referred to it as a popular “day of rage.”

The Palestinian National and Islamic Forces coalition also released a statement in support of the strike and urged mobilisations to take place at various places, including Israeli-manned checkpoints.

Palestinian prisoners also announced they would participate and said they would not communicate with Israeli prison administrators.

General strikes as a tool of popular resistance 

The Palestinians have long used general strikes as a tool to express their rejection of Israeli practices.

The planned strike is reminiscent of a famous six-month strike that took place in 1936, which involved the whole country and was aimed at pressuring Britain to end policies that paved the way for the creation of Israel.

A general strike also took place during what is termed the “rocks intifada” of 1987-1993, when Palestinians responded to Israeli attacks by paralysing the economy and refusing to deal with the Israeli establishment in charge of affairs in the West Bank and Gaza, prior to the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA).

During that intifada, Palestinians adhered to a general strike every week on Tuesday.

Sari Orabi, a Palestinian journalist and analyst, told Middle East Eye that strikes are a method of popular protest and rejection.

“Palestinians have a deep-rooted memory of popular struggle using strikes, since the British colonisation of Palestine, and in particular the famous strike of 1936,” Orabi said.  

He explained that during the rocks intifada, strikes were “an act of civil disobedience” against Israeli forces who maintained a presence in city centres and towns through their civil administration, a body answerable to the Israeli military, which controlled Palestinian civil affairs at the time.

“The occupation was attempting to end the strike by trying to force Palestinians to open their stores. Those who continued to adhere to the strike were punished by having their store doors destroyed,” Orabi said.

Are strikes still effective?

Historically, general strikes were used to mobilise the masses, and unify merchants, workers and students. However, a significant shift was noticed after the arrival of the PA and the Oslo Accords.

“The arrival of the PA meant the presence of a local authority that manages the affairs of the Palestinians, both civil and security. The Israelis left the densely populated areas and there was no longer direct friction, which led to a decline in the effectiveness and impact of strikes,” said Orabi. 

While the impact of strikes has diminished, they continue to hold moral value in uniting Palestinians in a single expression of protest and rejection.

Orabi said he believes the upcoming strike would be successful if it comes as part of a new national context and acts as a prelude to a new form of struggle that encompasses all Palestinians. 

Strikes as a milestone 

Political analyst Bilal Shweiki told MEE that the measurable and material impact of the strike will be inside the 1948-occupied territories. By disrupting daily life and putting pressure on Israeli authorities, the impact will be stronger and clearer than in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

“Despite the weak impact of strikes in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, this does not negate their importance,” he continued, explaining that during this political phase, they have a large moral effect. 

Shweiki said the moral effect of the strike is represented by overcoming colonial divisions imposed on Palestine, including those stemming from the Oslo Accords.

“In this strike, Palestinians are emerging unified, regardless of the colonial space that they are permitted to exist in.

“The idea of a unified strike constitutes a lever for joint Palestinian national action. It is also a declaration of rejection against all agreements that divide the land.”

The strike, he continued, constitutes a shift in unified political action, especially in the occupied territories, where the struggle for civil rights is transformed into a national struggle against settler colonialism.

“We are witnessing a turning point in Palestinian history, and this strike will constitute a turning point in our history.”

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https://www.israelhayom.com/2021/05/14/lecturers-at-jerusalem-academy-side-with-palestinians-in-conflict-angering-students/

Bezalel lecturers side with Palestinians in conflict, angering students

In response to letter to Arab students of Bezalel Academy of Art and Design, Jewish students sign petition blasting the lecturers’ “condemnation of a large portion of students, and even blatant support for terrorism.”

 By  Noam Dvir  Published on  05-14-2021 12:49 Last modified: 05-14-2021 13:24

Lecturers at Jerusalem’s Bezalel Academy of Art and Design caused an uproar when they expressed support for the ongoing struggle against Israel by Palestinians in Gaza and east Jerusalem.

In an email sent to the academy’s Arab Israeli students, the lecturers wrote:

“We ask to express our deep identification with your struggle for a home [and] freedom in light of the police and settler violence, the fruits of government policies expressed in the events in recent days in Sheikh Jarrah, the Damascus Gate [in Jerusalem’s Old City], and the Al-Aqsa Mosque. We understand full-well the difficulty of studying at institutes of the occupying and oppressive people, and all the more so at this time.”

The email sparked anger among Jewish students at the academy, who signed a petition in protest of the lecturers’ email.

“We students feel our situation is being completely ignored, and we are hurt by the lecturers’ decision to pick a side at this time. We are all having difficulty, and the reality impacts both sides of the aisle. Thus, a letter addressed to one side of the population constitutes the taking of political sides, divisive means, the condemnation of a large portion of students, and even blatant support for terrorism.

The petition continued: “The letter sent by many of our lecturers bolsters the sense that the academy has a view that embraces opinion on a specific side of the political spectrum while other opinions, even if they are not radical, are erased and unaccepted.”

In response, the academy said, “This is not the position of the Bezalel academy.  At the academy, lecturers and students … hold a variety of opinions. At the academy, which advocates for freedom of expression and creativity, there is room for voicing protest and personal opinions from all directions and spaces.”

In addition to the letter, one lecturer announced she would not hold her usual Wednesday class in a message many students saw as comparing recent events to the Holocaust.

In her message, the lecturer wrote: As a Jewish woman from the Diaspora, the sight of stun grenades being thrown at a house of worship on a holy day brings up difficult memories that made us say, ‘Never again.’

“In every class, there are students from different socio-economic or other backgrounds, but in a civilized society, they are equal before the law. Education in ‘safe spaces’ does not protect those who are scared to walk the street or those who cannot prepare their homework because their computer has been vandalized,” the lecturer wrote.

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https://www.ynetnews.com/article/Bklu7iyKd

Fatah to West Bank Palestinians: Confront Israeli security forces

Palestinian faction, formerly known as PLO, also calls on the public to declare a general strike on Tuesday in an effort to exhaust Israel on three fronts in apparent protest of the continued fighting in Gaza

Elior Levy, Yoav Zitun

Published: 05.17.21 , 11:47
Fatah, formerly the Palestinian National Liberation Movement, called on Palestinians in the West Bank to declare a general strike on Tuesday and “confront” the Israeli security forces in protest of continued fighting in the Gaza Strip.The current round of fighting entered its second week on Monday and there appeared to be no sign of any imminent end to the most serious hostilities in years between Israel and Palestinian militants despite mounting international calls for a ceasefire.The idea behind the call appears to be to create greater strife for Israel on three fronts: Gaza, the West Bank and within Israel through continued protests of Israeli Arabs. It is unclear, however, if the public will respond to the call.On Sunday, nine Palestinians were killed in clashes with the IDF throughout the West Bank. Palestinians also claimed a man was shot in the head during a brawl with Jewish settlers in a village south of Hebron, and died of his wounds at the hospital.Hamas since the start of this round of fighting has also been calling on Palestinians in the West Bank to take to the streets and clash with Israeli security forces.

BGU Gal Ariely Promotes Analogies of Israel with Apartheid and Holocaust Reductionism

13.05.21

Editorial Note

Much of the delegitimization of Israel comes from the same old Department of Politics and Government at Ben Gurion University, which is notorious for espousing anti-Israel radicalism. Recently, Dr. Gal Ariely, a senior lecturer there, has published a book titled Israel’s Regime Untangled: Between Democracy and Apartheidwhich the Department launched in Zoom last month.

The book discusses various descriptions of the Israeli political sphere. It begins with a tale on how a tourist who visits Israel will be shocked by the status of the population living in Area C in the West Bank, the Oslo II accord administrative division of the West Bank outside Areas A and B. He wrote, “our visitor will likely find it very difficult to decide whether Israel is a democracy or not.” If the visitor is a political scientist, he will wonder “whether democracy is a relevant concept for analyzing the Israeli regime.” This political scientist might even question where exactly Israel is, or “is the Israeli regime limited only to the territory over which it holds formal sovereignty or does it include the entire territory under its various forms of control and influence?… in light of these contradictory elements and how to decide on the borders of the Israel regime.” 

In an interview with Dr. Dov Waxman, the director of the Nazarian Center for Israel Studies at UCLA, Ariely said, “the claim that Israel is apartheid is a very, very strong argument in the case of the political implications of the situation in Israel.”  

Ariely should note that Israel is not an apartheid. Clearly, apartheid refers to racial segregation which is not the case here. Second, the Palestinian Territories in the West Bank and Gaza are at war with Israel since its founding. Third, the Palestinian Territories are not democratic while some of their population lives in areas that are intertwined with Israeli population. The parties signed the Oslo Accord II agreement in response to this unique case.

Ariely is also a part of the growing group of scholars who promotes Holocaust reductionism, minimizing the scale of the catastrophe of the Holocaust by equating it to other political crimes. Ariely is using it to discuss the plight of African asylum seekers in Israel.    

His article “Historical analogies under dispute: Reactions of Israeli Jews to analogies between the Holocaust and the plight of African asylum seekers in Israel” is a case in point. Ariely discusses some “historical analogies,” where he analyzes responses by Israeli Jews to comparisons between the “situation of African asylum seekers” in Israel and Holocaust Jewish victims. For this, Ariely quotes a letter written in 2018 by some Holocaust survivors against the proposed forced deportation of asylum seekers.

Ariely conducted a “population-based survey” during the Holocaust Remembrance Days to evaluate whether attitudes toward the expulsion of asylum seekers were affected by the analogy.” He found that “Respondents who identity [sic] with the right wing and hold nationalist views who believe in Israel’s superiority over other nations were less likely to accept an historical comparison with the Holocaust. They rejected the idea that the Jewish experience of the Holocaust requires Israel to include asylum seekers. In fact, their responses to the historical analogy implied that it created a backlash among them, as it challenged their belief in the uniqueness of the Holocaust.”

He then moves on to describe the “African asylum seekers and the mobilization of Holocaust analogies.”  He suggests that “The fundamental logic behind Israel’s immigration and asylum policy is to include Jews and exclude non-Jews from the possibility of settling in Israel.” In the 2000s, Israel faced an influx of asylum seekers from Eritrea and Sudan through the Egyptian border.  According to Ariely, the “Israeli policy regarding asylum is to prevent the entry of individuals who threaten the Jewish identity and Jewish character of the state. Israel is, therefore, committed to preventing the recognition of those people who crossed into the country from Egypt as refugees… Most of the asylum seekers have not been treated as individuals in need of protection but defined as ‘infiltrators,’ dangerous citizens of an ‘enemy state’ who should be arrested, detained, and deported.”   

Ariely proceeds to promote the so-called “counter-discourse,” which “endeavors to draw a parallel between the suffering of the refugees and that of the Jews during the Holocaust and to deconstruct the economic threat of this migration. Asylum seekers as well as NGOs have used the Holocaust narrative to create a welcoming environment for African refugees living in Israel, employing a discourse based on the ‘kinship of genocide.’” They use slogans such as “We are all refugees” and “The never again is here again,” comparing the plight of the Eritreans and Sudanese to Jews escaping from the Holocaust.   The Israeli government’s proposed forced deportation of African asylum seekers in 2018 intensified the ways in which Holocaust analogies were used in public discourse to challenge the policy, even to the point of breaking the law and hiding asylum seekers from the authorities.” 

Ariely is also a member of the group “Democratic Erosion,” claiming that “Recent years have witnessed a deluge of commentary warning of imminent threats to democracy in the US, the West and the world. In the US, this rhetoric has become especially heated with the rise of Donald Trump. Is American democracy really under threat? What about democracy in the West, or the world more generally? If democracy is under threat, what can we do about it? And if it’s not under threat, why are so many of us so worried that it is? The Democratic Erosion consortium aims to help answer these questions through a combination of teaching, research, and civic and policy engagement.”

Ariely joined the Politics and Government Department in 2012, exactly when the Department promised to hire bona fide political scientists, unlike the “activists” that populated the Department and brought it to the brink of academic bankruptcy.  Judging by his writings, he has faithfully continued the radical activist tradition of the Department. 

———- Forwarded message ———
From: Gal Ariely <galariel@bgu.ac.il>
Date: Wed, Mar 31, 2021 at 12:11 PM
‪Subject: [Politics] הזמנה לאירוע השקת הספר “המשטר הישראלי בין דמוקרטיה ואפרטהייד” , אפריל 11‬
To: Politics@listserver.cc.huji.ac.il <politics@listserver.cc.huji.ac.il>

 ספרו של גל אריאלי “המשטר הישראלי בין דמוקרטיה ואפרטהייד” יושק באירוע מקוון  ביום ראשון 11/4/21 1400-1600. האירוע בהנחיית פרופ’ אילת הראל-שליו ובהשתתפות אורית קדר, פרופ’ דוד לוי-פאור ופרופ’ תמר הרמן. פרטים נוספים ופלייר לרכישת הנחה בצרופות.

לרישום לאירוע
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https://assets.cambridge.org/97811088/45250/excerpt/9781108845250_excerpt.pdf
Cambridge University Press
978-1-108-84525-0 — Israel’s Regime Untangled
Gal Ariely
Excerpt
More Information
© in this web service Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org
Introduction
A tourist arriving in 2018 to Jerusalem – the declared but internationally
unrecognized capital of Israel – might visit the Knesset, the Israeli
parliament. Here, the tourist might encounter Member of Knesset
(MK), Hanin Zouabi, an Arab-Palestinian citizen of Israel who has
represented the Arab party Balad for almost a decade. As a member of
this party – many of whose members openly declare their sympathy
with those Israeli Jews perceive to be Israel’s most intransigent
enemies – Zouabi participated in the 2010 Marmara Flotilla that
sought to defy the Israeli blockade of the Hamas-controlled Gaza
Strip. Accused by Jewish MKs of being a traitor, numerous attempts
were made to oust her from the Knesset and prevent her and the Balad
party from reelection. These efforts were blocked by the Supreme
Court and Zouabi was reelected in both 2013 and 2015. Her political
activities are not, however, limited to the conflict, and her feminist
agenda challenges the exclusive authority over personal status held by
the religious (Jewish and Islamist) courts that undermines gender
equality. Despite her strong political commitment, Zouabi did not
run in the April 2019 elections, but her Balad party continued to take
part in the elections.
Continuing eastward from the Knesset, our visitor enters East
Jerusalem, a territory Israel occupied from Jordan in 1967 and subsequently
annexed – an area that is also designated as the future capital
of the Palestinian state. At present, the majority of East Jerusalem
Palestinians – around 37 percent of the city’s population – are not
Israeli citizens. Just over one-third of the residents of the self proclaimed
“united capital” of Israel are thus excluded from citizenship,
lacking the right to vote for the Israeli parliament which is located
in their city. Wandering around East Jerusalem, the tourist will pass by
areas with a strong visible presence of the Israeli state and neighborhoods
beyond fences and walls with scant manifestation of the state.
Proceeding on the tour, our visitor then reaches territory that
1
challenges the definition of Israel as a democracy even more significantly:
the West Bank. Occupied in 1967, about 40 percent of this
region has been under the (partial and limited) control of the
Palestinian Authority since the 1990s, while the remaining 60 percent
continues to be directly governed by Israel, albeit not formally annexed
like East Jerusalem. In the West Bank, there is a dual legal system: one
for Jewish settlers as Israeli citizens and another for Palestinians as
subjects, challenging the classification of Israel as a democracy yet
more. However, while strolling around the West Bank and passing
through Israeli checkpoints and meeting the Palestinian Authority
police, the visitor might find it hard to understand where Israel begins
and where it exactly ends.
What is our tourist to make of these circumstances? On the one
hand, the reactions to Zouabi’s views and actions demonstrate just
how far short Israel falls with respect to one of the fundamental
requirements of established liberal democracies, namely, political tolerance.
On the other hand, despite efforts to disqualify her, Zouabi
was twice reelected and her party is still part of the Knesset. Although
framed as a traitor and constantly struggling for her seat in the
Knesset, she remains within the Israeli parliamentary system. Her
citizenship enables her to be elected to the Knesset, while the
Palestinians in Jerusalem are denied this right and the Palestinians in
the West Bank are denied both civil and political rights. Having
traveled the country, our visitor will likely find it very difficult to
decide whether Israel is a democracy or not, given that the regions
visited, the people met, and the institutions and practices encountered
provide evidence of diverse types of regimes with inherent
contradictions.
If a political scientist, our visitor might wonder what can explain
such a close intertwining of democratic and undemocratic, liberal and
illiberal elements, and possibly even ponder whether democracy is a
relevant concept for analyzing the Israeli regime at all. This political
scientist might even question where exactly Israel is, noticing that the
state lies beyond the regular constitutional or juridical order in which
there is a political entity with clear borders. Is the Israeli regime limited
only to the territory over which it holds formal sovereignty or does it
include the entire territory under its various forms of control and
influence? The visitor’s first challenge in the attempt to make sense of
what is seen in this tour has two components: how to classify the Israeli

regime in light of these contradictory elements and how to decide on
the borders of the Israel regime. If the visitor stays in Israel for a longer
period, questions might also emerge concerning what factors shape the
regime and how, despite the inherent tensions and contradictions, the
regime remains fairly stable.
This book is an attempt to address such wonderings by focusing on
three questions:
1. How can the Israeli regime be classified?
2. What are the borders of the Israeli regime?
3. What are the key factors that shape the regime and support its
relative stability?
The question of how the Israeli regime can be classified is not new.
There are various conflicting classifications of Israel. While it is frequently
regarded and analyzed as a democracy (Lijphart 1984;
Sprinzak and Diamond 1993), it is also classified as undemocratic
(Jeenah 2018), an “ethnocracy” (Yiftachel 2006), a “herrenvolk democracy”
(Benvenisti 1988), or an “apartheid regime” (Greenstein
2012). Between these extremes, it is variously labeled as a limited type
of democracy, an “ethnic” (Smooha 1990) or “illiberal” democracy
(Peleg 2007). This book is not looking to suggest the correct classification
of the Israeli regime; instead, I argue that the Israel case illustrates
the analytical weakness of the concept of democracy in the context of
disputed regimes. There is an inherent challenge in the classification of
a regime as a whole in cases that deviate from the model of established
liberal democracies or rigid authoritarianism, which undermines the
efficacy of the concept of democracy as an analytical tool for studying
regimes.
Using the Israeli case to illustrate this, I follow the approach that
calls for disaggregating democracy into specific dimensions (Coppedge
et al. 2011). The term “democraticness” is the pivot for this approach;
neither a typology nor a classification of a specific form of regime,
democraticness describes a continuum along which are situated more
and less democratic systems of government. By looking at diverse
aspects of the Israeli regime, it seeks to determine the level of
democraticness exhibited rather than classifying the regime as a whole.
This shift of focus from a “closed” definition of democracy to the
disaggregated examination of levels of democraticness across different
dimensions provides better analytical leverage, allowing an
3
exploration of both the thin minimalist components and the more
extensive thick elements of democracy. These are analyzed across three
dimensions: (1) political contestation – the procedural and institutionalized
arrangements for political competition for power; (2) protection
– the defense of citizens against arbitrary state activity; and (3)
coverage – the extent to which the entire population can participate in
political processes and enjoy protection from the state without segmentation
or sectorization. The levels of democraticness of these dimensions
are used to sketch the Israel regime, offering a disaggregated view
of the regime that also illustrates a novel perspective on the third
question, namely, the key factors shaping the regime and supporting
its stability.
The question regarding the borders of the Israeli regime is also not
new. The bulk of the existing scholarly literature has addressed what is
termed Israel proper – a unit that does not include the Occupied
Territories (Sasley and Waller 2017). This approach is also in line with
the classifications of Israel in cross-national regime indexes. Though
less common, the Israel/Palestine definition is offered as a critical
alternative to the focus on Israel proper (Azoulay and Ophir 2012;
Ghanem et al. 1998). The location of Israel’s borders defines the unit of
analysis, and that definition determines how the regime is classified; in
other words, determining the unit of analysis as Israel proper or as
Israel/Palestine establishes the nature of the regime as a democracy/
diminished democracy or a type of non-democracy, respectively.
I argue that the justifications advanced for the choice of borders are
rather limited. This flawed approach can be rectified by a conceptual
discussion on the notions of state and regime – a discussion that will
lead to an alternative classification of the unit of analysis. A conceptual
elaboration shows that the units of Israel proper or Israel/Palestine
cannot be used to define the borders of the regime. I propose instead a
spatial analysis that divides the Israeli regime into different zones of
control at different time periods.
The first two questions focus on the question of the classification of
the Israeli regime, namely, what is the appropriate notion for describing
the regime. Much less attention has been given in the existing
literature to the third question. Most studies that focus explicitly on
the Israeli regime have overlooked this question of the key factors
shaping the regime and supporting its stability, while comparative
studies of regimes rarely include the case of Israel. I suggest moving

away from just debating regime classification, i.e., naming the dependent
variable, toward examining independent variables that shape the
regime and explain its stability.
There are dozens of potential explanations of the Israeli regime. The
major distinction between such explanations in the literature is
between actors and macro factors (see Linz and Stepan 1996). Actors
in the case of Israel could be institutions like the military and the
Supreme Court or politicians like David Ben-Gurion or Benjamin
Netanyahu. Macro factors could be economic development, political
culture, geostrategic environment, and others. This book does not
offer a complete account of all the factors that shape the Israeli regime;
a comprehensive inspection would require several books. Instead,
I focus on just two key contextual factors: the conflict and state
capacity. I illustrate how the Arab–Israeli conflict shapes the regime
in order to demonstrate how the disaggregated view offers new
insights for the link between the conflict and the regime – insights
overlooked by previous accounts that analyzed the regime as a
whole. I suggest that the relative stability of the regime as well as
some changes in the levels of democraticness and zones of control
can be explained by state capacity and offer an outline of how the
ability of the state to “get things done” via coercive and administrative
capabilities sustains the regime’s stability despite the various
challenges.
This book thus provides a comprehensive account of the Israeli
regime according to a comparative politics framework on regimes. It
contributes to the field by providing a better understanding of the
Israeli case, its inherent contradictions notwithstanding. Beyond the
specific Israeli case, it also illustrates the pros and cons of this framework
for analyzing disputed regimes.
A Note on the Method
In order to answer the aforementioned three questions, this book
adopts a comprehensive outlook which is based primarily on previous
studies on regime and on Israel. The book does not explore new
archival sources, interview key actors, or generate any novel data.
The answers to the three questions are instead grounded on the theoretical
framework, and the conceptual discussion is based on reviews of
previous accounts of the regime.
A Note on the Method 5
Cambridge University Press
978-1-108-84525-0 — Israel’s Regime Untangled
Gal Ariely
Excerpt
More Information
© in this web service Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org
The answer to the question concerning the classification of the Israeli
regime follows an overview of what can be termed the local debate on
the topic. It shows that very few studies have provided explicit descriptions
of the assumptions and premises on which their arguments rely.
In addition, the majority of studies have made rather limited use of the
literature on regime conceptualization and classification, and their
primary goal appears to have been determining whether or not Israel
is a democracy. Beyond the local debate, I show how cross-national
regime indexes, the benchmark for studying regimes, cannot be used to
circumvent the challenges of Israel’s classification. Once challenges to
the definition of democracy are taken into account, the debate of the
general classification of the Israeli regime can never be conclusively
resolved. Instead, conflicting interpretations of the Israeli regime can be
bypassed by following the current trend in studies of regimes: disaggregated
analyses of different levels of democraticness across different
dimensions. The conceptual discussion is therefore used here to offer
an alternative outlook on the Israeli regime.
In a similar way, the question of the unit of analysis, namely,
borders, is based on a discussion about the concept of state and regime.
This conceptual elaboration shows that the units of Israel proper or
Israel/Palestine cannot be used to define the borders of the regime;
instead, a spatial analysis is required, which divides the Israeli regime
into different zones of control at different time periods. The description
of the regime, the discussion of the impact of the conflict, and the
elaboration of state capacity as key explanations for the regime’s
relative stability are all based on ideas gathered from previous studies
conducted by prominent scholars of Israel. My added value here is the
integration of these perspectives into a general discussion of the regime
through theoretical lenses.
The discussion of the key factors which shape the regime also
follows the theoretical framework from the existing literature on
regimes and democratization. Its inherent limitations should therefore
be clear from the outset. Explanations for democraticness are limited.
Despite the fact that political regimes have been studied for decades, it
is clear that the knowledge in this field is “partial, probabilistic, conditional
and forever, and always provisional” (Coppedge 2012: 326).
The only thing that is clear by now is that there is no general theory for
regimes and that even the most common explanations, like economic
development, are subject to debate (Morlino 2012). Furthermore, part
6 of the debate on the explanations of democratization is caused by the
challenges to defining and measuring democracy that are emphasized
when discussing the Israeli case. Therefore, it should be understood
that any attempts to offer definitive explanations of the Israeli regime’s
levels of democraticness are limited.
A Note on the Israeli Case
One glance at the academic literature on the Israeli regime and our
wandering tourist might be even more confused. Not only can the
regime be classified along an extensive spectrum that is anchored by
liberal democracy on one end and proceeds through different types of
partial or diminished democracy before reaching the opposite end of
the spectrum that is occupied by non-democracy, but there are different
frameworks for understanding Israel from the very start.
According to one approach, Israel should be analyzed as a so-called
normal state that doesn’t differ much from countries elsewhere. Put
differently, there is no need for a special framework to analyze Israel,
and issues like the place of the Palestinian citizens of Israel in the state
can be analyzed from the perspective of general majority–minority
relations that can be found across many countries. This approach is
common among many Israeli scholars and can be found in journals
like Israel Studies as well as key publications by political scientists
(see, for example, Lijphart 1984; Sprinzak and Diamond 1993). Not
surprisingly, this approach tends to view Israel as a democracy.
A completely different approach proposes that the colonial/postcolonial
framework is a more suitable way of studying Israel and
Palestine. Israel should be understood as a settler colonial society
(Busbridge 2018), and therefore the Palestinian citizens of Israel
should not be analyzed from the perspective of majority–minority
relations but as part of an ongoing colonial situation. This approach
can be found mainly among Palestinian and Arab scholars (see, e.g.,
Rouhana and Huneidi 2017) and in journals such as Settler Colonial
Studies and Journal of Palestine Studies. According to this approach,
only wide-scale decolonization can transform the Israeli nondemocratic
apartheid regime into a democracy. These two perspectives
differ fundamentally and are subject to methodological and
epistemological polemics across various disciplines (see, e.g.,
Ghanim 2018; Peled 2017; Sternberg 2016; Zureik 2016). Beyond
7
such debates, however, they don’t usually engage with one another as
they exist in isolated academic circles.
These opposing perspectives are not just manifestations of a theoretical
debate; after all, the classification of the regime has broad political
implications. A country’s definition as a democracy or non-democracy
can have far-reaching effects on its internal and external legitimization.
Regime classification has thus evolved into a highly politicized discussion
(Munck 2009), and for countries that are neither clearly democratic
nor authoritarian, this issue is fiercely contested. Israel’s
categorization as a democracy could therefore be viewed as promoting
the legitimization of its regime; defining it as a non-democracy, on the
other hand, may call its legitimacy into question while indicating the
need for a radical regime change. Categorization as a democracy is
beneficial to many states but for Israel it is especially crucial given its
alliance with the United States and its use of “the only democracy in
the Middle East” slogan for international legitimization.
This book has chosen to follow insights from previous studies
regardless of whether their framework is based on the assumption that
Israel is a normal state or a settler colonial society. I have used a tight
conceptual discussion following studies from both approaches to provide
a comprehensive account of the Israeli case. I do not advance any
claims about the legitimacy or illegitimacy of the Israeli regime, preferring
to use theoretical lenses for a better understanding of the three
overarching questions. Nor do I have any claims about the social
groups mentioned in the analysis. For example, Palestinian citizens of
Israel, Palestinian subjects, and the Jewish settler movement are all
framed as potential challenges to the stability of the Israeli regime in
the discussion on state capacity. Combining these three groups is not
based on any normative argument about their actions and motivations
nor is there any implicit assumption that they should be viewed on a
parallel level; they are simply used to emphasize the functions of
state capacity.
Outline of the Book
The attempt to answer the question about the classification of the
Israeli regime starts with a comprehensive review of previous
classifications. Chapter 1 reviews these classifications while focusing
on two fundamental questions: the definition of democracy and the

parameters of the unit of analysis. It provides a detailed description of
the local dispute among students of Israel and examines the way in
which Israel is categorized in cross-national regime indexes. It thus
exposes the limits of attempts to classify the Israel regime, arguing that
this debate can never be conclusively resolved.
An attempt to bypass the inherent limitations in the debate about
classification takes place in Chapters 2 and 3. Chapter 2 maintains that
the way in which the concept of democracy is usually employed limits its
potential analytical leverage and argues for the need to shift the focus
from classification to a multidimensional understanding of democraticness
with three proposed dimensions. It demonstrates that the use of
disaggregated regime dimensions to classify different types of democracies
overcomes the inherent limits of the whole-regime classifications that
have been used in former analyses of Israel and other disputed cases.
A comparative analysis demonstrates that only regimes whose levels of
democracy are not contested can be classified in toto. Chapter 3 moves to
the question of the unit borders, arguing for the need for a spatial analysis
of the Israeli regime across diverse zones of control. It reviews the
answers given to the question of the Israeli regime’s borders to date and
points to their flaws in analyzing the Israeli regime. The changes that have
occurred since the 1990s also challenge clear divisions, especially when
distinguishing between control and influence. Rather than examining
Israel proper or Israel/Palestine, Chapter 3 proposes three spatial zones:
the 1949 borders (1949–2019), Israel and the Occupied Territories from
the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea (1967–1994), and Israel and
parts of the Occupied Territories (1994–2019). Chapter 4 provides a
comprehensive description of the regime across the three regime dimensions
and zones of control via a short historical overview combined with
several indexes that reflect different components of the regime. It shows
that in Israel proper the highest levels of democraticness are in political
contestation followed by protection,while the levels of coverage are much
more limited. The regime in Israel proper is, overall, fairly stable despite
some increase in democraticness after state consolidation and some more
recent signs of possible decline in protection and coverage. In the
Occupied Territories, on the other hand, the levels of democraticness
are minimal in the dimension of political contestation and coverage and
highly limited in the area of protection. The regime in the Occupied
Territories is not as stable as the regime in Israel proper due to changes
in the zones of control.
Outline of the Book 9
Cambridge University Press
978-1-108-84525-0 — Israel’s Regime Untangled
Gal Ariely
Excerpt
More Information
© in this web service Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org
Chapters 1 to 4 are thus the attempts to offer an alternative perspective
on the classification and borders of the Israeli regime. This perspective
is subsequently used to discuss the key factors which shape the
regime in Chapters 5 and 6. Chapter 5 explains the function of the
conflict in shaping the regime’s democraticness across different dimensions
and the ways it influences the regime’s zones of control via a
review of the main theoretical frameworks for understanding conflicts
and regimes. As this specific conflict has external and internal dimensions,
I inspect both, before outlining the main elements of the conflict,
explaining how these dimensions are interlinked and offering an
explanation of how the conflict has shaped the regime. Despite the
conflict and the potential for instability, the regime is, by and large,
quite stable. Changes in the levels of democraticness have been fairly
modest, and the gaps between the different dimensions of democracy
are also quite stable; the major change in the regime has been in its
zones of control. Chapter 6 outlines state capacity as a possible explanation
for this general stability and emphasizes the importance of the
state in explaining the regime. After clarifying the concept of state
capacity and its relationship with regime stability and reviewing the
historical origins of the Israeli state capacity, it discusses the ways that
state capacity sustains the regime despite the various challenges. Three
such challenges are discussed: the internal aspect of the conflict, the
challenge to state authority from political tensions among Jews, and
the ways that the zones of control shifted under the limited ability of
state capacity to ensure direct control of the entire Occupied
Territories. In the conclusion, I highlight the book’s contribution to
understanding Israel as well as other disputed cases, including a discussion
on the implications of the key arguments.
10 Introduction

=================================================

https://www.international.ucla.edu/israel/articletranscript/237873

Transcript of Israel In Depth podcast

Host: Dov Waxman

Guest: Gal Ariely

Dov Waxman: Welcome to Israel in Depth, where scholars, policymakers, and leading experts come to discuss topics about Israel in depth. You’re listening to a podcast by the Nazarian Center for Israel Studies at UCLA. I’m Dov Waxman, the director of the Nazarian Center and the host of this podcast. Joining me for this episode of Israel in Depth is Gal Ariely. He’s a senior lecturer in the Department of Politics and Government at the Ben-Gurion University of the Negev in Israel. And his new book, Israel’s Regime Untangled: Between Democracy and Apartheid, has just been published by Cambridge University Press. Welcome to Israel in Depth. So let me begin by asking you, why did you write this book? What was your motivation for writing this book?

Gal Ariely: I like this question. I think that — when you look at the case of Israel as someone who is engaged in Israel, or as a scholar or who is interested in the Israeli case, or someone like me who lives in Israel and who is deeply influenced by her politics in many spheres of life. It’s sort of a puzzle. It’s sort of a puzzle because when you look at Israel, there are many questions that you don’t — at least I don’t have very clear answers to them. And I wanted to use my knowledge as a political scientist who works in the field of comparative politics and studies of regime and to see to what extent, or in what way, I can use this knowledge in order to better understand the Israeli case. Not only the classification of the regime, but also to what extent the knowledge that we have in political science about the nature of regimes. Their stabilities, their changes in regimes can better help us to clarify the Israeli case. This was my original motivation in trying to write this book. And I have to admit that although I just published it a two weeks ago, it’s still a positive case. I’m not sure that I revealed most of the of the puzzle, but at least I tried to shed light on some aspects on the Israeli regime.

Waxman: So in your book, I think what it seems that you’re trying to do is to is to reframe the the current debate that’s been going on both in Israel and overseas, including within academia, the debate over whether Israel is in fact, a democracy. I mean, there’s this ongoing debate over Israel’s democratic status, a debate that has flared up in the news recently, following the recent report by the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem, which I’m sure, you know, which came out and said that Israel is essentially an apartheid regime. Now, how does your book try to reframe this debate? Or what in your view is wrong with the way the debate over whether Israel’s a democracy is currently held?

Ariely: Well, as you clarify, the debate or the way to classify the Israeli regime is not new. It’s going on in the literature for more than I know — like 30 years. There are very different classifications. Go all the way from a democracy, illiberal democracy, or some diminished type of democracy, and all the way up to different versions of non-democracy regimes like an apartheid regime. And I think that when you look on all these classifications, and you go just through the literature, and different ways scholars have tried to address the Israeli case, you can find that in most cases — not all cases, of course, but in most cases — it seems that the way the regime is classified is a little bit detached from political science literature’s about how we classify regime from the first place. And when you try to connect the debate for the current understanding of the regime classification in comparative politics literature, you find that in many ways, the attempt to offer an overall definition of a regime is problematic by itself. It’s problematic by itself because, in many ways, the concept of democracy by itself. Again, it’s the most important concept in political science, probably was one of the most important concepts in political science. But it also it has some inherent weaknesses, at least analytical weaknesses, because in the political science literature, regardless of the Israeli case, there is a very long debate about how we should classify democracy from the first place. And I’ve tried in the book to show that any attempt to offer a definite definition of the regime overlooks the ways, the current standing of regimes, the current standing of democracy in political science. So in a sense, I’m not trying to offer a correct definition of the regime, because I don’t think that there is a possibility for a methodological point of view. Instead, I offer to look at it in different ways or in different framing of the debate from the beginning – from the outset.

Waxman: Right. So if I’m understanding the question that’s often asked, you know, is Israel a democracy or not? This can be framed in either-or terms…is the wrong kind of question. Instead of trying to make a decision, yes, Israel is a democracy. No, it isn’t. We should really be asking, in what respects is Israel a democracy? Or how democratic is Israel, rather than whether or not. And so your book is focusing on on the degrees of Israel’s democracy, or its dimensions of democracy rather than a kind of either or proposition. It is or isn’t that democratic. Is that is that correct?

Ariely: Yeah, because, again, from a political point of view — and when you look on from a normative point of view, from a political point of view — it’s very reasonable to ask if a country is a democracy or not, because it has a lot of political normative implications. But if you want to analyze the regime, not just to give it a name, not just to use the name, in order to justify or condemn the regime. If you want to understand the regime, the either note — perceptions or the attempt to offer a unique name to the Israeli case — have limits. I don’t think it’s wrong. I don’t think it’s wrong to offer classification of the regime. Again, the literature on the different classification have, of the Israeli regime, have a lot of merits. But in a way, the ability to use it in order to explain an aspect of the regime, is a bit limited. So what I propose is, instead of a clear definition of the regime, I propose to look on the level of ‘democraticness’ of the regime. The level of extent it is a democracy across different dimensions of democracy. Across different spheres of democracy. Across different aspects of democracy. And also across different zones of control. Because one of the debate, which is very clear in the Israeli case, is a question what exactly is the border of the regime? There are different answers to the question. And, of course, different answers lead to different classification of the regime from the outset. So I propose just to disentangle, disaggregate the perceptions of the old regime to different spheres, different level of ‘democraticness’ lists, and different zones of control.

Waxman: So I’m just picking up this different zones of control. And I think you’re alluding to the distinction, if you like between the regime within Israel proper or within the green line, and the regime in the occupied territories, in the West Bank, and East Jerusalem and maybe Gaza Strip as well. So do you then distinguish between these as two distinct regimes? The regime within the green line…the one Israel…and the regime, an Israeli regime, but a distinct regime from in the occupied territories?

Ariely: Well, I think that the key to understanding where exactly is the Israeli regime is to offer a very, very delicate distinction from the outset, form control, and influence. If you look on all the entire territory, what the so-called between the Jordan and the sea — Israel/Palestine — you can see that it’s a zone where there is direct control of Israel in what is called Israel proper, in East Jerusalem, and also in most of the part of the “C” zone in the West Bank where Israel has actual direct control. But when it comes to Gaza, and to some extent, also the Palestinian enclaves under the control of the Palestinian Authority, there is a very, very strong Israeli influence. But it’s not direct control. It’s something else. So the level of ‘democraticness’ of the regime is different in Israel proper. It’s different in East Jerusalem and “C” zone. And I think that Gaza is out of the definition of the regime. Again, a lot of influence of the regime, but not direct control. And when it comes to the Palestinian enclave, again, it’s an indirect control. So I’m not sure it’s part of the regime….

Waxman: So in that sense, you would reject the kind of, you know, claim that’s often made today that there’s a one-state reality between the Jordan and the Mediterranean. That effectively, there was only one state. Well, your analysis is kind of looking at this as a range of influence — from direct control to indirect influence.

Ariely: I’m not totally rejecting the idea of one-state reality because it really depends on how you understand the state. Right? It will depend on how you define a state from the outset. If you understand a state is a mechanism of bureaucratic control. So in a sense, Israel has influence also in the some aspects of the Palestinians enclaves, and also, to some extent, also some aspects of the Gaza…in the Gaza Strip, and it’s so much stronger democratic control on East Jerusalem and on “C” zone. But it’s not clear cut because I think that’s describing all the territory Gaza,  Nablus, Bethlehem, East Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, and West Jerusalem, as one state. Again, it’s maybe has some important political implications. But from an analytical point of view, it really overlooks differences, which I think, are very relevant to understanding the regime between these spheres of influence and control. So I don’t think there is a clear-cut border that you can say this is Israel proper; this is a regime which is outer. And also there is not a very clear-cut border between a one-state reality in all the territory, including Gaza and the Palestinians enclave as it was before the….

Waxman: So I wonder, I mean, extending this, this analysis to think about, you know, degrees of control and the extent of bureaucratic control. Could you not go even further and say the same holds true even within Israel proper? I mean, you can take certain areas where the ultra-orthodox reside. And we’ve seen over the last number of months in Israel, where the resistance to members of the ultra-orthodox community to some of the regulations and restrictions imposed by the ..battling the COVID pandemic, that even within Israel itself, there are limits to the Israeli state’s bureaucratic control over certain parts.

Ariely: Well, I think that most states control or the ability of states to now commonly described as state capacity. The idea of states to implement policy, not only in Israel, but in many other countries, especially not countries which are in dispute… change between the center and the periphery and between different groups in society. It’s not something which is unique to Israel. But there should be a distinction between the capacity to implement public policy and the level of ‘democraticness’. The level of democraticness’ is the same, by in large, for the ultra-orthodox and for the non-orthodox inside Israel proper and also outside Israel proper in the settlements — the orthodox settlements in the occupied territories. When it comes to ‘democraticness’ in the spheres of political competition instead of limited illiberal rights, some of them exist in Israel. And it’s different from the ability of the state to implement their policy.

Waxman: I see – that’s an important distinction. So in terms of this ‘democraticness,’ in what areas, in what domains do you see, do you think Israel’s democratic is strongest, is most democratic? And in what areas or domains is it weakest?

Ariely: Well, as previous analyses have already shown, and I am not saying anything new here. The stronger aspect of the Israeli democracy it’s in the level of the political competition, in the inclusiveness of the election. Again, I’m talking only on the aspect of the regime, which is allowing people to petition. I’m not including East Jerusalem or zone “C” which are part of the regime. I’m talking only on this first, well, from the outset, there is a possibility of political competition. And this is the strongest aspect of the Israeli democracy. And when you go and look on, for example, on the liberal aspect of the Israeli democracy on the….you explore the defense of citizens against the state. The liberal aspect of democracy. It’s much more weaker. We have for many of course, many aspects. The liberal aspects or the liberal elements of the Israeli democracy are much more limited. And when you look at the extent to which there is coverage ….to what extent the entire population can participate in the political process and enjoy protection from the state without segmentation and securitization. This is the lowest aspect of Israel democracy when it comes to questions of the relation between Jews and Arabs in Israel proper. These are the most lowest levels of democracy. And again, of course, they’re quite stable. There are some changes, but they are quite stable. And again, we have an election next week in Israel, so we can see that there is also some ongoing decline in the liberal aspect of democracy in the last 10 years, 5 years. Depends how you exactly define it. But by and large, these three dimensions there’s a gap between them, but they’re rather stable across the years.

Waxman: So that was – you anticipated my next question. I was…I mean….myself and others have written about a kind of process of democratic backsliding occurring in Israel. A term that political scientists have used to describe developments in places like Hungary and Turkey and Poland, India, even the United States. Do you agree with this? Or are you saying that, actually, you know, Israel, Israeli democracy has always been illiberal in terms of the rights or freedoms of the individual? But really, it’s actually been, it’s actually fairly stable. And these concerns are exaggerated about democratic backsliding.

Ariely: I think it’s a very, very good question. And I’ve a seminar with my students under the title, “Is Israel’s Democracy Backsliding?” And we are debating this question for two years by now. And I think that it’s really depends how you understand backsliding or democratic backsliding from the beginning. As you know, it’s not a solid concept in the literature. And even different definitions or different understanding of what democratic backsliding would lead to different results. So I’m not sure that we can say, yes, there is democratic backsliding in Israel, to the extent that there was in Turkey for sure, or even to the extent that we can locate in Hungary or even in Poland. I’m not sure this is the case. I think it’s much, much more debatable. But from the outset, the concept of democratic backsliding, in a way, assumes liberal democratic forms from the first place. There was some advancements like in the 90s of the last century. And one might wonder if what we see now in Israel in the last few years is a democratic backsliding or just a backlash against the liberal forces that try to reshape the country. So I’m not sure it’s a democratic backsliding, or just a debate between very … some aspects of the Israeli regime.

Waxman: So you mentioned that the upcoming election and one of the claims that that have been made by competitors to (Benjamin) Netanyahu is that, you know, Netanyahu is a threat to Israeli democracy. And that this is you know, not just a competition, a political competition between, you know, different political parties, but between kind of democrats and…in Netanyahu’s case it would be autocrat. Do you think that there…that’s misplaced? That in fact, you know, the 10 years that Netanyahu has been in power haven’t really…he hasn’t really threatened Israeli democracy in the way that his critics suggest he has?

Ariely: I think that there are different ways to understand this question. One way would argue that maybe Netanyahu is a threat to Israel’s democracy, but he’s no different than previous prime ministers, which were by and large — the popular ones (those who hold power for a long time) weren’t, I would say, motivated by democratic reasoning. If you compare some incidents of Netanyahu to (Ariel) Sharon. Even to previous prime ministers, you wouldn’t find that they were motivated by the need to strengthen democracy. You know, it’s a bit funny because these days, there’s a lot of nostalgia to Menachem Begin, who is now portrayed as a big democrat. But when Menachem Begin came to power, the Israeli elites viewed him as a direct threat to democracy. And the perception was that if Begin will rule, Israel democracy, or at least the democratic aspect of Israel (because I’m not trying to say that Israel is a democracy). But the democratic aspects that are in Israel will be ruined by Begin because he’s a populist, and he’s etc, etc. And we know that, at least in these aspects of Israel’s democracy, there was an improvement after Begin’s period. So this is one way to understand that. It’s in a way, a nostalgic view of those who worry that Netanyahu…some believe that they were more democratic than he. Another way to understand it that perhaps Netanyahu is just unmasking the illiberal, undemocratic aspect of the Israeli regime in a much bolder way than previous prime minister or previous political elites. So it’s not Netanyahu itself. It is this regime, which again when someone has a grip on power for a long time, he can advance these aspects which are at the heart of this regime. Like the Basic Law: Israel as the Nation-State of the Jewish People, which again, it wasn’t a project of Netanyahu. It was a project that started with Tzipi Livni in Kadima — or Tzipi Livni was one of the advocates for that. So it’s not necessary Netanyahu itself. Another way to think about it, it’s perhaps Netanyahu because of a unique situation and because the allegation he’s facing to, might be the trigger, might be the actor that will enable the forces that don’t like the liberal aspect of Israeli democracy, or the advances that there were in the position in the status of the high court to change these aspects of a regime and to create backsliding — not in the entire regime, but at least in this aspect, and especially when it comes to the status of the court. So I don’t think there is a simple answer to this question.

Waxman: But I think you’re absolutely right that that we shouldn’t really focus exclusively on Netanyahu or see him as somehow a unique threat to Israeli democracy or the great risk to it. That there are deeper forces that play, and there are other groups that certainly, when it comes to the power of the Supreme Court, have long wanted to reduce the Supreme Court’s power. And in some sense, Netanyahu’s legal trouble has provided them an opportunity to try and challenge the court. I want to turn in the time that we have left to maybe a very tricky topic. Also, in your book, the question of apartheid. And as I mentioned in my introduction, this is not a new question that’s been…not a new allegation that’s been leveled against Israel. It’s been leveled for many years by Palestinians and some of their supporters. But in recent months, B’Tselem — an Israeli human rights organization, a prominent organization — has itself made this allegation. Has itself come out and called Israel essentially an apartheid regime, not just the Israeli military rule in the West Bank, but Israel itself. How do you see this claim of apartheid? I mean, what’s your response to this?

Ariely: I think that my attempt to view if the Israeli regime, as I mentioned at the beginning, is to use perspective that I, as a political scientist, adopt to understand reality. And when we classify regime, when we discuss regime, we don’t just use analog. We don’t just say this regime is like that — Israeli is like an apartheid, Israel is like India, Israel is like the U.S., Israel is like the French. Because such comparisons are not the way we try to analyze the reality when we are doing a political science. So in a sense, I’m not engaged with the debate because B’Tselem, it’s one NGO who claim Israeli is apartheid, and someone else who said, okay, but B’Tselem claimed Israel is apartheid, but Freedom House, which is an NGO who classifies regime for a living, don’t claim that Israel is an apartheid. Classify Israel as an illiberal democracy, or something close to illiberal democracy. So why we can take B’Tselem NGO argument as superior on another NGO argument. And so such debate, it’s not, not my interest. And I think that I would say that even more, the claim that Israel is apartheid is a very, very strong argument in the case of the political implications of the situation in Israel, that’s in many ways, it’s very hard to justify what’s going on in the occupied territories…So I’m not saying…I’m not arguing anywhere, that’s the way such claims are wrong. I’m not in any debate with B’Tselem. My motivation is to expand reality, and if I’m claiming, or if someone is claiming that Israel is apartheid, so the way we can use it to explain issues is very limited. For example, again, we have elections next week, and there is a very strong competition for the Palestinians who hold Israeli citizenship – electors. There is a very, very strong competition of them. If I’m claiming that Israel is an apartheid regime, so my ability to explain how could it be that there is such a strong competition, a vote of the Palestinian citizens will be very limited. Because if it is an apartheid regime, so maybe they don’t have free will, they cooperate with the regime who marginalize them. So but why do they do that? Why don’t they use other means in order to challenge the Israeli regime? And if my motivation is not to name Israel, but to understand why in front of all the Israeli policies, in front of all the ongoing inequality, why the very strong political participation among Palestinians with Israeli citizenship, So the concept of apartheid will be very limited in his ability to help me explain it. So this is why I will not use the concept of apartheid. And I also don’t use the concept of democracy because claiming that, yeah, because it is democracy is also very limited, because it ignores the zones that Israel controls and the Palestinian people who don’t have a citizenship who don’t take part in the political process. And I have to understand this as well because this is part of the regime.

Waxman: Absolutely. I think that’s very important that these these labels, these terms, may be useful in political and public debate. But when it comes to serving as an analytical tool, or to actually explain what’s happening, they can often obscure more than they illuminate. And that we really need to have a much more fine-tuned in nuanced approach. And I think, you know, in your book — and in this interview —  you really express very clearly what that would look like and how to take a much more nuanced approach to these very contentious topics. I want to thank you for that and for sharing your knowledge and expertise with our audience. And I encourage everyone to find the book — it’s just come out. So congratulations. The title again is Israel’s Regime Untangled: Between Democracy and Apartheid. You’ve been listening to an episode of Israel in Depth, produced by the UCLA Nazarian Center for Israel Studies. Thank you for listening.
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DEMOCRATIC EROSION

a cross-university collaboration

 THE COURSE

SYLLABUS ASSIGNMENTS ADDITIONAL RESOURCES

Gal Ariely

Gal Ariely is senior lecturer at the Department of Politics & Government, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Israel. Employing cross-national analysis and experimental survey research, he examines political attitudes and national identity. In addition, his research addresses methodological questions of measurements across different contexts. He’s currently working on a book project Israeli Democracy: Reality or Myth. The book seeks to untangle the conflicting interpretations of the Israeli regime by focusing on the structural factors shaping the regime rather than seeking to classify it. It’s focus is the question: Which factors undermine and which factors support Israel’s levels of “democraticness” across different dimensions and zones of control.

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https://www.democratic-erosion.com/about/
  About

Recent years have witnessed a deluge of commentary warning of imminent threats to democracy in the US, the West and the world. In the US, this rhetoric has become especially heated with the rise of Donald Trump.

Is American democracy really under threat? What about democracy in the West, or the world more generally? If democracy is under threat, what can we do about it? And if it’s not under threat, why are so many of us so worried that it is? The Democratic Erosion consortium aims to help answer these questions through a combination of teaching, research, and civic and policy engagement.

Democratic Erosion is a cross-university collaboration that helps students and faculty evaluate threats to democracy both here and abroad through the lens of theory, history and social science.

Since fall 2017, faculty at over 40 universities have taught from the same shared syllabus on democratic erosion. We have also constructed a unique event dataset capturing the symptoms and precursors of democratic erosion across countries and over time, which we have used to conduct research and prepare reports for our partners in the policy community. Our students collaborate on assignments and are expected to engage not only with their peers, but with the public as well.

Importantly, the consortium is not intended as a partisan critique of Donald Trump, or of any other politician or political party. Our goal is to treat the threat of democratic erosion as an empirical question, rather than merely a political one.  

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https://www.academia.edu/29045066/Remembrance_Day_influence_on_national_sentiments_and_hostility_towards_out_groups_evidence_from_a_panel_study_in_Israel

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Ethnic and Racial Studies
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Remembrance Day influence on national sentiments and hostility towards out-groups: evidence from a panel study in Israel
Gal Ariely
To cite this article: Gal Ariely (2016): Remembrance Day influence on national sentiments and
hostility towards out-groups: evidence from a panel study in Israel, Ethnic and Racial Studies,
DOI: 10.1080/01419870.2016.1234629
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2016.1234629
Published online: 10 Oct 2016.
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Remembrance Day influence on national sentiments
and hostility towards out-groups: evidence from a
panel study in Israel
Gal Ariely
The Department of Politics & Government, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Beer-Sheva,
Israel
ABSTRACT
While scholars have long emphasized the significant impact of national days on
the masses, the actual impact of national days on people’s national sentiments
have been ignored. This study set out to examine the ways in which exposure to
Remembrance Day impacts national sentiments and hostility towards outgroups.
Unlike previous cross-sectional-design studies, it adopted longitudinal
design in order to explore the actual impact of exposure to Remembrance
Day amongst Israeli Jews. While exposure to Remembrance Day increased the
respondents’ sense of nationalism, neither their level of national identification
and hostility towards out-groups nor the magnitude of the positive link
between nationalism and hostility towards out-groups changed significantly.
While national identification was unrelated to hostility prior to Remembrance
Day, it became negatively related to it on Remembrance Day itself. The
findings shed new light on the prevalent assumption regarding the impact
national days have on public sentiment.
ARTICLE HISTORY Received 20 October 2015; Accepted 31 August 2016
KEYWORDS National identity; nationalism; collective memory; xenophobia; national days; panel design;
Israel
Introduction
More than a century after Memorial Day was officially established, the US Congress
passed the National Moment of Remembrance Act that instituted “a
symbolic act of unity” marking a “National Moment of Remembrance to
honor the men and women of the United States who died in the pursuit of
freedom and peace.”1 The rationale adduced for this move was that
“greater strides must be made to demonstrate appreciation for those loyal
people of the United States whose values, represented by their sacrifices,
are critical to the future of the United States”.
Such acts are common practice in the life of nations, elites making specific
moments part of the national calendar. Remembrance Day is one of a wider
© 2016 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
CONTACT Gal Ariely galariel@bgu.ac.il
ETHNIC AND RACIAL STUDIES, 2016
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2016.1234629
repertoire of “nationhood performances” that includes national holidays and
the use of national symbols (Woods and Tsang 2014). Congress’s claim that
remembering the fallen is imperative to the nation’s future echoes Anthony
Smith’s assertion that “ceremonial and symbolism help to assure the continuity
of an abstract community of history and destiny” (1991, 78). It is thus no
wonder that scholars have long drawn attention to the significant affect
national days have upon national identity and the construction of a sense
of nationhood (McCrone and McPherson 2009; Elgenius 2011). To date,
however, the majority of studies have focused on the top-down production
of national days by elites (Roy 2006; Hemple 2012; Zuev and Virchow 2014).
This approach is based on the assumption that national days wield a profound
impact on the national identity of the masses, increasing citizen identification
with the nation. This premise rarely being subject to critical investigation,
however, the actual ways in which national days impact people have been
relatively ignored (Fox 2006; Fox and Miller-Idriss 2008). As Jon Fox observes:
“While the scholarship on nationalism has convincingly demonstrated how
national holidays can generate national attachments, they have not shown
how they do generate such attachments” (2014, 38 [original italics]).
Using large-scale surveys, recent studies have focused on national days
themselves and the way in which they are linked to public attitudes and behaviours.
2 While these suggest that national days are related to some aspects of
people’s national identity and out-group attitudes (Meuleman and Lubbers
2013; Fozdar, Spittles, and Hartley 2015; Coopmans, Lubbers, and Meuleman
2015), their cross-sectional design has precluded them from directly examining
the influence exerted by exposure to national days.
Taking Israel as a test case, this study focused on the impact of exposure to
Remembrance Day upon national sentiment, hostility towards asylumseekers,
and attitudes towards the Israeli-Arab conflict. It employed a longitudinal
design to examine the actual impact of Israeli Jews’ exposure to Remembrance
Day. A three-wave panel survey measured national sentiment (national
identification and nationalism), hostility towards asylum seekers, and attitudes
towards the Israeli-Arab conflict several weeks prior to Remembrance Day, on
Remembrance Day itself, and eight weeks later.
The results demonstrate that nearly all Israeli Jews participated in Remembrance
day-related behaviours. Despite the extent of Israeli Jewish exposure
to Remembrance Day, the influence appears to be more limited than
expected. National identification, hostility towards out-groups and attitudes
towards the conflict did not change significantly across time, the magnitude
of the positive link between nationalism and hostility towards out-groups also
remaining the same. Remembrance Day did, however, increase a sense of
nationalism. While national identification was unrelated to hostility towards
out-groups prior to Remembrance Day, it became negatively related to
these feelings on Remembrance Day itself.
2 G. ARIELY
This study contributes not only to an understanding of the influence
exerted by national days in general and Remembrance Day in particular but
also to the study of nationhood. One of the central debates in the nationhood
literature relates to the primordial vs. modernist view of the nation. The latter
adopts a top-down approach that highlights the role elites play in nation
building via such nationhood performances as Remembrance Day. The
former emphasizes the role of the masses in bottom-up processes (Woods
and Tsang 2014). Much of this debate has taken the influence exerted by
national days for granted, failing to adduce any empirical support. The few
recent studies that have looked empirically at the impact of national identity
have been cross-sectional. They were thus unable to estimate the actual effect
of exposure to national holidays. This study explores the impact of Remembrance
Day – a “meeting point” between national subjects and the imagined
collective coordinated by the state via a longitudinal design. The same
respondents from heterogeneous sample of Israeli Jews answered a survey
some weeks prior to Remembrance Day, on Remembrance Day itself, and
eight weeks later. This allowed me to assess the actual influence on Remembrance
Day on their sense of national identification, nationalism, hostility
towards asylum seekers and attitudes towards the Israeli-Arab conflict.
National days, remembrance day, and national identity
National days are specific moments in time a nation holds in celebration or
commemoration of formative events in its history. Rather than constituting
part of the “banal” repertoire of a nation’s everyday reflections (Billig 1995),
they frequently take the form of a nationwide day off from work whose significance
is explicated and reinforced by extensive media commentary, thus
synchronizing – at least temporarily – with citizens’ memories (McCrone
and McPherson 2009; Elgenius 2011; Woods and Tsang 2014). National days
constitute part of the rituals and symbols performed at a specific moment
in the national calendar.
Remembrance Day forms an important part of the repertoire of national
days modern nation-states have evolved. State expansion has led to the institution
of national days of remembrance for those who have died on behalf of
the country as part of its symbolic framework. Specifically, the state’s role in
war commemoration has been heightened by an increase in mass-mobilization
and citizen conscription, the two world wars and enormous sacrifice
they entailed leading directly to the institution of memorial days in many
countries (Mosse 1991). The member-states of the Commonwealth, for
example, observe Remembrance Day every November on the anniversary of
the end of the First World War with official ceremonies and a minute of
silence in honour of the fallen. In the USA, the origins of Memorial Day – a
federal holiday – lie in the civil war.
ETHNIC AND RACIAL STUDIES 3
Remembrance Day commemorates the ultimate sacrifice the nation
demands from its citizens – the laying down of their lives in the service of
their country. This patriotic act attributes not only significance but even a
degree of sanctity to Remembrance Day (Young 1993). The collective commemoration
of those who died on behalf of their nation engages citizens
with the national past, highlighting the deeds of those who gave their lives
in its defence. This differentiates Remembrance Day from other types of
national days or daily symbols and national representations – such as the
flag – which fall into the category of “banal nationalism” (Billig 1995). Remembrance
Days are designed by state elites to promote national identity amongst
their citizens, providing the cognitive and emotional knowledge upon which
the legitimacy of the nation rests and thereby enabling citizens to identify
with fellow co-nationals in a shared experience. They thus serve an important
role in strengthening a sense of national identity (Smith 1981).
Like Remembrance Day, national rituals afford opportunities for the visual
and audible realization of symbolic attachment to the nation, prompting citizens
to remember, re-enact, and re-redefine the national past and enhancing
their emotional attachment to the nation-state. Through the choreographed
exhibition and collective performance of national symbols, those in attendance
are united in a transitory awareness of heightened national cohesion
and solidarity (Smith 1981; Fox and Miller-Idriss 2008). National days are commonly
assumed to wield a profound impact on the national identity of the
masses, increasing citizen identification with the nation and sometimes
strengthening the distinction between members of the nation and outgroups
(Woods and Tsang 2014).
Few studies have examined how national days are related to public sentiment.
One cross-sectional-survey study in Perth, Australia, looked at flagwaving
behaviours on Australia Day, national sentiment, and out-group attitudes
(Fozdar, Spittles, and Hartley 2015). Flag wavers ranked higher on
both the patriotism and nationalism scales, also holding more negative
views towards Muslims and asylum seekers. While the findings from Australia
display significant differences in all aspect of national identity and out-group
attitudes, in the Netherlands one study (Meuleman and Lubbers 2013) found
less clear constructs. This large cross-sectional-survey study investigated the
way in which nationalist attitudes and perceived ethnic threats are related
to national behaviours such as listening to domestic music, voting for farright
parties, and participation in national celebrations and commemorations.
While those who participated in national celebrations and commemorations
were more likely to be proud of their nation, they did not differ with
respect to their feelings of national superiority or perception of cultural/
ethnic threats. Another study in the Netherlands found that participation in
various types of national days – Remembrance Day, Liberation Day, and
Queen’s Day – correlated diversely with feelings of national belonging
4 G. ARIELY
(Coopmans, Lubbers, and Meuleman 2015). Participation in Queen’s Day was
related more strongly to national belonging than Remembrance Day and
Liberation Day – a finding explained by the higher visibility of Queen’s Day.
Overall, these three studies imply that exposure to national days appears to
be related to some aspects of national identity. Their cross-sectional design
precluded them from directly examining the influence exerted by exposure
to national days, however. As Coopmans and her colleagues observe:
…as the current results are based on cross-sectional data, we must be careful
with drawing conclusions that suggest causality. Experimental or longitudinal
data are therefore needed to be able to make more firm conclusions regarding
the direction of the relationship between national day participation and feelings
of national belonging. (2015, 12)
In light of this observation, the current study employed a longitudinal design.
While the impact of national days has been largely neglected to date,
several studies have adopted social-psychology experimental approaches in
order to analyse the casual effects of exposure to national symbols – principally
the flag (Butz 2009). One American study, in which the participants completed
a survey questionnaire in the presence or absence of the American flag,
indicated that the flag increased nationalism but not patriotism (Kemmelmeier
and Winter 2008). Exposure to the Austrian flag increased national pride
and, to a limited extent, nationalism (Gangl, Torgler, and Kirchler 2015). In
India, exposure to the flag increased national identification and a sense of solidarity
(Charnysh, Lucas, and Singh 2015). In contrast, a study in Germany
found that exposure to the German flag did not impact nationalism but did
increase out-group prejudice amongst highly nationalistic respondents
(Becker et al. 2015). Other studies also found that exposure to the flag in
Israel or the USA affected out-group attitudes (Butz, Plant, and Doerr 2007;
Hassin et al. 2007). While these studies evince that exposure to the national
flag indeed impacts some aspects of national identity, they ignored national
days.3
The studies of flag exposure and national holidays conducted to date have
generally overlooked the fundamental distinction between national identification
(sometimes labelled as patriotism) and nationalism (often labelled as
chauvinism). National identification pertains to the level of attachment one
feels with regard to one’s national community. Nationalism is defined as
the feeling that one’s nation is superior to others (Kosterman and Feshbach
1989; Blank and Schmidt 2003; Roccas, Klar, and Liviatan 2006). While
related, the findings indicate that these two dimensions shape attitudes
towards out-groups and other issues in divergent ways. Nationalism is inherently
related to out-group devaluation. While national identification is positively
related to one’s own national group, however, it does not necessarily
involve out-group devaluation (De Figueiredo and Elkins 2003; Raijman
ETHNIC AND RACIAL STUDIES 5
et al. 2008). A longitudinal study in Germany (Wagner et al. 2012) that enabled
the establishment of causality demonstrates that nationalism may increase
out-group devaluation but that out-group devaluation does not increase
nationalism. National-identity negative effect on out-group devaluation was
only evident when nationalism was controlled. In light of these findings,
one may wonder what sort of effect Remembrance Day – a unique type of
national symbol – may exert on national identification and nationalism and
the correlation of these sentiments with attitudes towards out-groups and
towards the conflict in Israel.
National identity and Israeli remembrance day
As in other countries, national identity and collective memory has a profound
impact on attitudes towards out-groups and on the Israeli-Arab conflict in
Israel. Studies evince that nationalism is positively related to hostility
towards various types of out-groups (Canetti-Nisim and Pedahzur 2003;
Raijman et al. 2008; Raijman & Hochman, 2011). Remembering the Holocaust
was found to be associated with increased support for inter-group violence,
being mediated by higher levels of national identification and reducing
support for compromises designed to bring about peace (Canetti et al.
under review).
It is therefore no wonder that the Remembrance Day plays a key role in
moulding Israel national identity. Since its establishment, Israel’s day of commemoration
for those who have died on its behalf has formed a central
element of Israeli civic religion (Liebman and Don-Yih ya 1983). Known as
“Israel’s Remembrance Day for Fallen Soldiers and Victims of Terror Attacks”,
it takes place according to law between Holocaust and Heroism Remembrance
Day and Independence Day, in close proximity to the Passover feast
that establishes the fundamental, mythical pattern of Jewish history as a
recurring cycle of persecution and redemption. The Holocaust and Heroism
Remembrance Day observed a week earlier commemorates the worst catastrophe
ever to befall the Jewish people. Remembrance Day and Independence
Day mark the fact that a Jewish state willing to go to war to defend
itself is the only viable answer to the persecution of the Jewish people (Handelman
2004).
During Remembrance Day, places of entertainment and restaurants are
closed by law. On its eve, a one-minute siren sounds, a two-minute silence
during another siren being observed at 11:00 on the day itself, people stopping
whatever they are doing and standing in honour of the fallen. Memorial
ceremonies are held across the country at cemeteries, schools, and universities,
radio and TV broadcasting programmes all being dedicated to the
topic throughout the day (Ben-Amos 2003). As the results of the survey indicate,
exposure to Remembrance day-related rituals is widespread.
6 G. ARIELY
Remembrance Day is particularly poignant because of the on-going conflict
in which the country is embroiled, which sees new names added to the
list of casualties each year. Several months before this study was conducted,
for example, Israel was involved in intense conflictual violence in Gaza. Many
studies evincing that increased threat stimulates identification with the nation
and hostility towards out-groups (Huddy et al. 2003; Riek, Mania, and Gaertner
2006), it is reasonable to expect that as occasions on which national conflicts
are remembered Remembrance Days are likely to magnify awareness of
threats to the nation, thereby further heightening their effect. The country’s
involvement in protracted conflict shaping it in the socio-political sphere
(Bar-Tal 2013), exposure to Remembrance Day may be expected to exert a
profound influence upon respondents.
Over all, the expectations are that:
H1: Exposure to Remembrance Day will increase national identification and
nationalism.
H2: Exposure to Remembrance Day will heighten hostility towards out-groups
and attitudes towards the conflict.
H3: Exposure to Remembrance Day will magnify the link between nationalism,
hostility towards out-groups and attitudes towards the conflict.
RQ1: In light of the dissimilarity between the effects of nationalism and national
identification on out-group hostility (Wagner et al. 2012), I will also inspect how
exposure to Remembrance Day affects the link between national identification,
hostility towards out-groups, and attitudes toward the conflict.
Method
Procedure
A three-wave panel design in which the same participants answered identical
questions at three time points via an online questionnaire was employed. T1
was March 2015, five weeks prior to Remembrance Day. Eight hundred and
sixty-seven respondents completed the questionnaire, sixty-seven of whom
were excluded due to an instructional manipulation checks (IMC) failure
(Oppenheimer, Meyvis, and Davidenko 2009) indicating lack of sufficient
attention to the survey questions. T2 was Remembrance Day (22 April
2015). The 800 respondents from T1 were emailed at 11:10, immediately following
the siren. Day beginning at nightfall in Israel, Independence Day formally
begins at 20:00. Data were thus collected up until 19:00 in order to
ensure that T2 data related exclusively to Remembrance Day. T2 consisted
of 535 participants, ten of whom were excluded due to IMC failure.
While T2 was during the Remembrance Day itself the design also allowed
for the possibility of longer impact. The third wave was thus implemented
ETHNIC AND RACIAL STUDIES 7
eight weeks later. Although this interval is rather short, it adopted in order to
isolate the impact of Remembrance Day exposure from other possible events
– for example, conflict-related events common in the Israeli setting – that
might influence the respondents’ national sentiments, attitudes towards
asylum seekers, and opinion of the conflict. During the eight-week interval
(22 April 2015 to 23–25 June 2015) no noteworthy conflict event occurred
that might have impacted the respondents.
T3 consisted of 525 respondents who were invited to participate in the
survey again. Ten respondents dropped out. Ninety-two respondents who
failed the IMC test were not included in the analysis. Five respondents who
indicated no exposure to Remembrance Day practices were also excluded.
The total sample of the three waves I analysed thus consisted of 418 respondents.
The overall panel attrition from T1 to T3 was 52 per cent. The dropout
was unrelated to gender, education, or religiosity.4
Data collection and participants
Studies of national-symbols effects have adopted social-psychology experimental
approaches (Butz 2009) that involve sampling students in labs. The
current study seeking to examine non-lab conditions and a more diverse
sample, the participants were recruited via an online panel, completing an
online questionnaire in exchange for a sum approximating $2. Online
panels conduct web-based surveys amongst respondents who form the
pooled sample. While the sample was heterogeneous (47.5 per cent
women; mean age 43; 15 per cent born outside Israel; 59 per cent secular;
30 per cent high-school education or less; 44 per cent under-average family
income; 21 per cent political left-wing identification), it is not a probability
sample; nor should it be regarded as a representative sample of Jews in Israel.
These limitations notwithstanding, online panels possess two advantages.
Firstly, the evidence indicates that despite demographic differences online
panel and population-based survey experiments yield similar findings (Weinberg,
Freese, and McElhattan 2014; Revilla et al. 2015).5 Likewise, attention
levels and socially desirable response differ only minimally in lab and online
settings (Clifford and Jerit 2014). Secondly, and more importantly, the
online survey allowed collection of data on Remembrance Day itself across
a broad set of participants, respondents being able to use their mobile
phones to answer the questionnaire.6
Exposure to remembrance day
To examine exposure to Remembrance Day, several questions were posed at
T2, pertaining exclusively to behavioural acts related to Remembrance Day in
order to capture participation in its practices. Overall, 79 per cent reported
8 G. ARIELY
watching Remembrance Day-related TV programmes, 81 per cent exposure to
such content on the internet, and 88 per cent discussion of Remembrance Day
with family or friends. More than half of the respondents (51 per cent) participated
in Remembrance Day ceremonies, nearly all (97 per cent) affirming that
they stood during the sirens. These results clearly demonstrate the extraordinary
level of exposure to Remembrance Day practices amongst Israeli Jews.
While they might be biased by socially desirable responding, their accuracy
is suggested by the fact that more than a million and half people – one out
of every five Israeli Jews – visited an army cemetery before or on Remembrance
Day.7
Measures
National identification was measured by four items (adopted from Roccas, Klar,
and Liviatan 2006): “I identify with Israel”; “Israel is an important part of my
identity”; “Israeli identity is more important to me than other types of identity”;
and “It is not important for me to see myself as Israeli” (reserved item).8
Nationalism was also measured by four items (adopted from Roccas, Klar,
and Liviatan 2006; Davidov 2009): “The world would be a better place if
people from other countries were more like Israelis”; “Generally speaking,
Israel is a better country than most other countries”; “In comparison with
other nations, Israel is very moral nation”; and “Other countries can learn a
lot from Israel.”
In line with previous studies, national identification and nationalism were
strongly positively correlated (T1 r = .46; T2 r = .49; T3 r = .52). The scales
were found to be distinct in an EFA analysis, however, and possessed of sufficient
internal reliability (T1 α = .80; T2 α = .85; T3 α = .82. Nationalism: T1 α
= .86; T2 α = .88; T3 α = .89). To further validate the measures, the divergent
validity between nationalism and national identification was examined by
comparing models in which the eight items were loaded on one or two
factors. Model comparison at T1 ΔAIC was 400. At T2, ΔAIC was 446. At T3,
the ΔAIC was 356. At the three time points, the one-factor model was far
from any acceptable-model fit (CFI < .8; RMSEA > .2). CFA across the three
time points (Little 2013) was also used to examine for measurement invariance
over time. Model fits (ΔCFI < .003; ΔRMSEA < .005) are in line with
Chen’s (2007) criteria for mean comparisons.9
Hostility towards out-groups was measured by the endorsement of the exclusion
of asylum seekers scale via four items: “Israel should deport asylum
seekers”; “Asylum seekers must be held in camps while their requests are
being processed”; “Israel should not consider asylum seekers’ requests for
asylum”; and “Israel should be generous towards asylum seekers” (reserved
item). This scale measures public sentiment towards the asylum seekers
who have arrived in Israel in recent years, commonly defined in the official
ETHNIC AND RACIAL STUDIES 9
discourse as “infiltrators” seeking jobs in Israel – a representation that promotes
exclusionist attitudes (Duman 2015; Hochman 2015). The scale’s
internal reliability was sufficient (T1 α = .86; T2 α = .88; T3 α = .87).
Basic attitudes towards the conflict (labelled conflictual attitudes) were
measured via four items partially adopted from Halperin et al. (2011): “I
support territorial compromises with the Palestinians based on the 1967
borders” (reserved item); “I support the partition of Jerusalem for peace”
(reserved item); “Israel has no choice but to attack Iranian nuclear sites”;
and “There will never be peace with the Arabs.” The scale’s internal reliability
was sufficient (T1 α = .82; T2 α = .81; T3 α = .83). A strong positive correlation
existed between conflictual attitudes and endorsement of the exclusion of
asylum seekers (T1 r = .52; T2 r = .54; T3 r = .50).10
Controls for education, gender, and religiosity were included in the
regression models. Remembrance Day being a personal as well as collective
experience, the regression models also controlled for potential personal
effect, respondents being asked if they had relatives or friends amongst the
losses.11
Results
To test the first hypothesis – that Remembrance Day exposure increases
national sentiments – I examined the means across the three time points
(see Table 1). While national-identification levels rose slightly (Δ = .041)
between T1 and T2, the change in national-identification was insignificant
(F[1.92, 802] = .824, p = .43). Nationalism levels, in contrast, altered significantly
(F[2, 834] = 15.37, p < 000), rising (Δ = .117) on Remembrance Day
itself and between T2 and T3 (Δ = .099). Overall, between T1 and T3 they
increased by approximately 3 per cent. These results provide partial
support for H1. While exposure to Remembrance Day heightened a sense
of nationalism – the same effect also existing later – national identification
remained unchanged, despite its strong positive correlation with
nationalism.
Table 1. National sentiments and hostile attitudes towards out-groups means across
time.
T1 T2 T3
National sentiments
National identification 5.87 (1.18) 5.91 (1.16) 5.86 (1.13)
Nationalism 5.02 (1.28) 5.14 (1.24) 5.24 (1.27)
Hostile attitudes towards out-groups
Endorsing asylum seekers exclusion 4.14 (1.68) 4.07 (1.75) 4.11 (1.67)
Conflictual attitudes 4.57 (1.69) 4.59 (1.65) 4.63 (1.67)
Notes: N = 418. Unstandardized coefficients and SE (in parentheses). T1 five weeks before the Remembrance
Day, T2 the Remembrance Day itself, T3 eight weeks after the Remembrance Day.
10 G. ARIELY
The second hypothesis – that Remembrance Day would affect hostile attitudes
towards out-groups – was tested in a similar fashion. No significant
differences obtained across the three time points for exclusionary attitudes
towards asylum seekers (F[1.20, 504] = 1.78, p = .18). Similarly, no significant
differences across time obtained for conflictual attitudes (F[1.93, 807] = 1.35,
p = .25). Overall, H2 was thus refuted, exposure to Remembrance Day not
changing hostility towards out-groups.
The second part of the analysis examined the third hypothesis – that
exposure to Remembrance Day would magnify the link between nationalism,
hostility towards out-groups and attitudes towards the conflict. In addition, it
examines the impact on national identification magnitude in line with RQ1.
Here, I conducted ordinary least squares (OLS) regressions models for the
three time points to discover whether national identification and nationalism
predicted hostility towards asylum seekers and conflictual attitudes. Table 2
presents the results of the models for the exclusion of asylum seekers. Nationalism
is strongly related to exclusionary attitudes towards asylum seekers
across the three time points. No meaningful change occurred in the magnitude
of these relations across time. With respect to national identification,
however, a clear shift occurred in the magnitude of the relations. While the
relation between national identification and exclusionary attitudes towards
asylum seekers was not significant at T1 or T3, a negative relation obtained
at T2. In other words, on Remembrance Day itself, higher levels of national
identification were negatively related to exclusionary attitudes. This negative
relation dissipated after eight weeks, however.
Table 3 presents the similar results for conflictual attitudes towards the
conflict. While no meaningful change in the close relation between nationalism
and these attitudes across the three time points occurred, an insignificant
relation did obtain between national identification and conflictual attitudes at
T1. These relations became negative in T2. In contrast to attitudes towards
asylum seekers, however, this remained negative at a similar magnitude at
T3. Another analysis controlling for personal exposure to Remembrance Day
Table 2. Predicting endorsing asylum seekers exclusion across time.
T1 T2 T3
Gender (female) −0.20 (0.15) −0.31 (0.15)* −0.33 (0.15)*
Education −0.07 (0.03)* −0.06 (0.03) −0.07 (0.03)*
Religiosity 0.49 (0.16)** 0.62 (0.17)** 0.50 (0.16)**
National identification −0.04 (0.07) −0.15 (0.08)* −0.08 (0.08)
Nationalism 0.43 (0.07)*** 0.47 (0.08)*** 0.41 (0.07)***
R2 .16 .17 .15
Notes: N = 418. Unstandardized coefficients and SE (in parentheses). T1 five weeks before the Remembrance
Day, T2 the Remembrance Day itself, T3 eight weeks after the Remembrance Day.
*p < .05.
**p < .01.
***p < .001.
ETHNIC AND RACIAL STUDIES 11
did not alter the results. Overall, H3 was thus refuted, the relation between
nationalism, hostility towards out-groups and conflictual attitudes not increasing.
Under the impact of Remembrance Day, national identification in fact
became negatively related to hostility towards out-groups.
Discussion
In his classic 1882 essay “What is a Nation,” Ernest Renan identified two
elements that constitute the nation as “a soul, a spiritual principle. One lies
in the past, one in the present. One is the possession in common of a rich
legacy of memories; the other is present-day consent, the desire to live
together…” (Renan [1882] 1990, 19). Remembrance Day, which forms part
of the “nationhood’s performance” repertoire of national days, constitutes a
unique meeting point between past and present, between the nation as symbolic
entity and the individual. Its uniqueness and importance has led scholars
to emphasize its impact upon national sentiment amongst individuals and
thus upon the construction of the nation as a shared subjective meaning
amongst its citizens. As, Gabriella Elgenius argues in her comprehensive
account of national days, however, “It is difficult to appropriately assess individual
sentiments associated with national days…in the absence of adequate
or comparative qualitative or quantitative data” (2011, 25).
The impact of national days on national sentiments having rarely been subjected
to empirical examination, this study sought to examine the affect of
Remembrance Day in Israel on Jewish national sentiments and hostility
towards out-groups. The expectations were that exposure to Remembrance
Day would increase national sentiment and hostility towards out-groups
and strengthen the link between nationalism and such hostility. Via a threewave
panel survey of Israeli Jews, I analysed the respondents’ levels of
national sentiment and hostility towards out-groups five weeks prior to
Remembrance Day, on Remembrance Day itself, and eight weeks later. The
proximity between Remembrance and Independence Day makes it difficult
Table 3. Predicting conflictual attitudes towards the Israeli Arab conflict across time.
T1 T2 T3
Gender (female) 0.34 (0.13)* 0.20 (0.13) 0.09 (0.13)
Education −0.08 (0.03)** −0.05 (0.03) −0.09 (0.03)**
Religiosity 1.05 (0.15)*** 0.97 (0.15)*** 0.97 (0.15)***
National identification −0.09 (0.07) −0.19 (0.07)** −0.19 (0.07)**
Nationalism 0.48 (0.06)*** 0.52 (0.07)*** 0.53 (0.07)***
R2 .31 .29 .30
Notes: N = 418. Unstandardized coefficients and SE (in parentheses). T1 five weeks before the Remembrance
Day, T2 the Remembrance Day itself, T3 eight weeks after the Remembrance Day.
*p < .05.
**p < .01.
***p < .001.
12 G. ARIELY
to isolate the effect of Remembrance Day from that of the broader “national
period”. While this study focused on Remembrance Day, collecting data solely
on this day, no clear distinction between its effect and the overall effect of
Holocaust and Independence Days, which create a unique period within the
national calendar, could thus be adduced. The study findings can therefore
only point to the impact of Remembrance Day as part of the overall influence
of this “national time”.
Before discussing the results vis-à-vis the expectations, the levels of
exposure to Remembrance Day must be noted. The results demonstrate
that nearly all Israeli Jews participated in Remembrance Day-related behaviours.
In fact, only five people from the sample claimed that they did not
perform any behavioural act such as standing in silence during the siren.
The majority of the respondents participated in more than one Remembrance
Day-related ritual. These findings indicate a far greater magnitude of personal
involvement in the national construction of Remembrance Day than that
found in Australia (Fozdar, Spittles, and Hartley 2015) or the Netherlands
(Coopmans, Lubbers, and Meuleman 2015). While these findings are not surprising
in light of the role Remembrance Day plays in Israeli civil religion
(Liebman and Don-Yih ya 1983), they highlight the need for a comparative
examination of the impact of national days in order to account for crossnational
differences.
Despite the extensive Israeli Jewish exposure to Remembrance Day, the
influence of the latter appears to be more limited than expected. Exposure
to Remembrance Day increased a sense of nationalism, an effect also found
eight weeks later. Despite its strong positive correlation with nationalism,
however, national identification remained unchanged during this period. Hostility
towards out-groups – in the form of supporting the exclusion of asylum
seekers and conflictual attitudes towards the conflict – also remained
unchanged. The magnitude of the positive link between nationalism and hostility
towards out-groups also did not change across time. While national
identification was unrelated to hostility towards out-groups prior to Remembrance
Day, it became negatively related to these attitudes on Remembrance
Day itself, however. This negative relation continued after Remembrance Day
with respect to conflictual attitudes towards the conflict but not in relation to
exclusionary attitudes towards asylum seekers. In other words, exposure to
Remembrance Day changed the function of national-identification relevance
in shaping hostility towards out-groups. No difference existed between
respondents with a personal connection to Remembrance Day (in the form
of family/acquaintance casualties) and other responders. The impact of
Remembrance Day therefore appears to be more collective than personal.
These results shed new light on the prevalent assumption regarding the
impact of national days, opening up new avenues for fruitful research questions.
Firstly, they provide clear evidence that exposure to “national time”
ETHNIC AND RACIAL STUDIES 13
alters national sentiments with respect to nationalism, the average levels of
the latter increasing significantly and holding for eight weeks. In light of the
longstanding scholarly debate over whether nations are constructed by
elites or represent embedded public sentiments (Woods and Tsang 2014),
the findings also indicate that a top-down process of dedicating specific
moments in time to national rituals impacts the masses. Such “meeting
points” between national subjects and the imagined collective nation coordinated
by the state thus appear to be significant. This result being based on
exposure to Remembrance Day and a short period afterwards, the question
of long-term effects remains open. Future studies into long-term impact
must therefore be conducted.
Remembrance Day in Israel forming part of a “national time” that includes
Holocaust Remembrance Day and Independence Day, other studies in other
national settings must also be conducted in order to isolate the effect of
Remembrance Day from “national time”. As Coopmans, Lubbers, and Meuleman
(2015) pointed out in their Netherlands study, the impact of other
national days must be examined. The fact that exposure to “national time”
in Israel impacts nationalism but not national identification may reflect the
“hot” nature of Israeli national identity – represented by the high levels of
national identification and nationalism. Although this further highlights the
need for comparative studies, the stability of nationalism in shaping prejudice
was also found in Germany (Wagner et al. 2012). Although the longitudinal
design of this study was based on the assumption that self-reported behaviours
indicate exposure to Remembrance Day practices, I did not examine
the meaning people attribute to Remembrance Day. Future studies employing
tools such as in-depth interviews are required to explore such perceptions
beyond the limitations imposed by survey research.
Secondly, the results suggest that the impact of exposure to the Remembrance
Day is complex. I expected that exposure to Remembrance Day
would increase national identification, hostility towards out-groups and conflictual
attitudes rather than nationalism alone, especially in the light of Israel’s
“hot” form of nationalism. In line with Fox’s (2006) observations regarding the
varied meanings attributed to national holidays in Eastern Europe, additional
studies examining this factor are required.
Another explanation may lie in the divergence between nationalism and
national identification. Previous studies have found that national identification
and nationalism are related diversely to attitudes towards out-groups
(De Figueiredo and Elkins 2003; Roccas, Klar, and Liviatan 2006; Kemmelmeier
and Winter 2008; Wagner et al. 2012). While nationalism is associated with
negative attitudes towards out-groups, national identification is not always
related to this perspective, in some contexts being related negatively to xenophobic
attitudes. In the context of Remembrance Day, some reaction to the
symbolic meaning of this period that impacts national identification relations
14 G. ARIELY
with out-group hostility may thus exist. Recollection of all the sacrifices made
for the country in conflicts may trigger a longing for a nation and national
identity that stands for peace rather than increasing hostility. The psychological
concept of inclusive and exclusive victim consciousness (Vollhardt and
Bilali 2015) may be helpful in developing such explanation. Remembrance
Day being an event that makes group victimhood salient, it is plausible to
impact inclusive and exclusive victim consciousness. This possibility must
be tested empirically by future studies.
The findings also indicate that the pattern changes according to the issue
discussed. The link between national identification and support for the exclusion
of asylum seekers became insignificant after “national time”, the negative
link with conflictual attitudes towards the conflict remaining. While exposure
to Remembrance Day clearly impacted national identification, the precise
nature of this impact requires further research employing various methods
to examine the ways in which citizens understand Remembrance Day. The
uniqueness of the Israeli setting similarly requires the adoption of a comparative
design to explore the variations in the influence Remembrance Day
exerts. Future studies might also follow insights from recent studies demonstrating
that national rituals do not simply function as mechanisms reproducing
the nation-state structure but also challenge the hegemonic
representation of the state and national memory (Lomsky-Feder 2011; Zembylas
2013).
In conclusion, the findings evince support for the premise behind the
American National Moment of Remembrance Act (2000) and other state
mechanisms designed to shape national sentiment. The impact of the specific
moment at which the individual and nation are supposed to meet is more
complicated than previously assumed, however. In light of the seminal role
national sentiment plays in shaping attitudes and behaviours, future studies
must examine such meeting points in depth.
Notes
1. 106th Congress Public Law 579, 28 December 2000.
2. Other types of studies have focused primarily on national rituals themselves
(e.g., Lomsky-Feder 2011; Zembylas 2013).
3. A recent study in the US looking at 9/11 commemoration found that standard
commemorations promote hawkish attitudes towards Iran (Adams and Hakim
2016).
4. Of the 800 respondents at T1, the missing values were lower than 0.005 per cent.
At T2, after excluding respondents due to an IMC failure, the missing data
were 0.002 per cent. At T3, there was no missing data after excluding respondents
due to an IMC failure. This proportion of missing data falls far below the
recommended full information maximum likelihood threshold (Schafer and
Graham 2002) and Multiple Imputation (Enders 2010). Missing value treatment
was therefore not used.
ETHNIC AND RACIAL STUDIES 15
5. Such validation studies have not been conducted in Israel, concern for the data
quality remaining an open question.
6. The participants were recruited by the Midgam Project, a leading online survey
research firm with a pool of over 30,000 potential respondents. They were
informed that participation was anonymous, given contact details in case of
queries, and filled out a consent form.
7. Y. Offer, Remembrance Day 2015. NRG news website: http://www.nrg.co.il/
online/1/ART2/689/501.html.
8. All items were measured on a 7-point Likert-type scale (7 = strongly agree, 1 =
strongly disagree). The item order for all the scales was randomized.
9. The factor loadings were rather similar, justifying use of plain means for the
scales.
10. The four measures were found to be extremely stable, the correlations between
the three time points being higher than .7. Measurement invariance across time
was also acceptable for mean comparisons using maximum likelihood
estimation.
11. Twenty-six per cent of the respondents reported that an extended-family
member had been a war/terror casualty, 52 per cent an acquaintance.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the participants of the 4th Annual Conference on Migration and
Diversity, WZB, Berlin for their comments.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Funding
This research was supported by the German–Israeli Foundation for Scientific Research
and Development [grant number I-2312-1036.4/2012].
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ETHNIC AND RACIAL STUDIES 19

Committee of University Heads’ Complexities with Ariel University

06.05.21

Editorial Note

The Committee of University Heads in Israel (VERA), has advised and liaised on university matters since the 1960s.  It has been recently debating whether to admit Ariel University to its ranks. Ariel has been upgraded from college status to University in 2012 and recently opened a new Faculty of Medicine named after Miriam and Sheldon Adelson, its prime donors.   The new faculty is expected to alleviate the acute shortage of professionals in the field of medicine.

VERA consists of a plenum of university heads, including the presidents, rectors, and CEOs of the seven research universities. The Open University has an “observer” status.  VERA convenes several times a year when needed.  The office of VERA deals with the administrative and logistical coordination, monitoring, and implementation of the VERA decisions in the various forums and bringing a variety of issues to the VERA table. VERA’s office is responsible for the relations between VERA and the various regulatory bodies such as the Planning and Budgeting Committee of the Council for Higher Education (VATAT-MALAG), Knesset committees, government ministries, requests from student unions, the public, and others.

The political activism of some academics is deeply rooted. Some in the academic echelon see Ariel as part of the right-wing government that cannot be trusted. Worse, as part of the “Illegal Occupation.”  They wish to influence VERA’s decisions. 

For example, Prof. David Levi-Faur, a political scientist at the Hebrew University and the founder of the email list service to the academic community Academia-IL-Bashaar network, has recently written an email to the academic community.  Titled “Protest over the intention to include Ariel to the Committee of University Heads,” he disseminated it last week. He stated, “I read with great sorrow the article by Or Kashti in Haaretz about the intention of VERA to add Ariel University to their ranks. I call on the presidents of the institutions to refrain from this move. Certainly not without putting pressure and not without having something in return. Ariel University is not a barrier to peace right now, it is a positive project that expands wisdom and research, and certainly, there will be a solution when a peace-loving Palestinian state is established. Furthermore, Ariel University is still part of another People’s occupation and humiliation project. Therefore, there is no intention to boycott it or its faculty. But to keep it in a special status as a semi-foreign institution to the system. There is room for political considerations at the activities of VERA, but, at the moment, there is no place for the inclusion of Ariel at VERA. Certainly not on an equal footing. The Open University waited many years for its acceptance as a full member. (Too many years I understand) Ariel will wait for peace to come and the end of the occupation.”

Professor Amiram Goldblum, a longtime radical political activist, continued Levi-Faur’s string of thoughts: “Perhaps the presidents of the universities in Israel are jealous of Ariel and want their students to also receive academic credit for participating in the activities of the settlement’s youth. Maybe even advance the activities of Lehava and La Familia – for example, if Smotrich or Ben-Gvir or Orit Struck or Avi Maoz will be education minister, clearly their fear takes over – they mustn’t confront the education minister. The fact that university presidents did not unequivocally announce a “NO” morally justified by the monstrosity of the occupation and apartheid that Ariel is one of its anchors, which clarifies who and what they are. “I have seen you again doing nothing”?? Not at all, I have seen you again with no heart, truth and morality,” he wrote.

Professor Asher Yahalom from Ariel University responded: “Anyone who supports Arab colonialism and imperialism, and the lies of the Palestinian people should not let the word “morality” slip through their lips.”

The Haaretz article reported that anonymous senior officials at academic institutions explained this month that the readiness to include Ariel University in VERA is proactive.  Allegedly, the group fears pressure from the next education minister, who may come from a right-wing government or a petition to the Supreme Court. “The fight against Ariel is an old battle,” said one president.” One of his colleagues added that “we are one petition away from which we would have had to accept Ariel. We had to decide whether to disperse or allow Ariel to enter. We preferred to take the initiative and not wait for the next minister or a supreme court verdict.”

There is another possible explanation.  In 2012, when the Ben Gurion University Department of Politics and Government was under the threat of closure because of low standards of its core studies, some Israeli scholars appealed to the international academic community to intervene. After a deluge of petitions and “open letters,” the Israeli Council for Higher education succumbed to the pressure and decided to keep the department open for fear of the damages to the Israeli academy. In a similar vein, VERA is possibly worried about the easily swept pro-Palestinian international academic community, which seeks to see Ariel University shun from any academic platform.

Facing headwinds from all sides, VERA postponed this decision to a future date.

———- הודעה שהועברה ———
מאת: David Levi-Faur
תאריך: יום ו׳, 9 באפר׳ 2021 ב-13:17
נושא: [Academia-IL-Bashaar] מחאה על הכוונה לצרף את אריאל לועד ראשי האוניברסיטאות
אל: Academia Network <academia-il@listserver.huji.ac.il>

שלום רב
קראתי בצער רב את הכתבה של אור קשתי בהארץ על הכוונה של ור”ה לצרף את אונ’ אריאל לשורותיהם.  אני קורא לנשיאי המוסדות להימנע מצעד זה. בוודאי ובוודאי ללא שהופעלה עליהם לחוץ ובלי שניתה תמורה נאותה.  אונ’ אריאל אינה מחסום לשלום, כרגע. היא פרויקט חיובי ככל שהיא מרבה דעת ומחקר ובוודאי שיימצא לה פיתרון כשתוקם מדינה פלשתינית שוחרת שלום. אם זאת ועדיין אונ’ אריאל היא חלק ממפעל הכיבוש, הביזוי וההשפלה של עם אחר.  כיוון שכך אין להחרים להבנתי את המוסד או את הסגלים שבו. אלא לשמור על מעמדו המיוחד כמוסד זר למחצה למערכת. 
יש מקום לשיקולים פוליטיים בפעילות ור”ה אבל ברגע זה אין מקום לצירוף של ור”ה למוסד. בוודאי ובוודאי לא במעמד שווה.  האונ’ הפתוחה המתינה שנים רבות לקבלתה כחברה מלאה.  (יותר מידי שנים להבנתי)  תמתין אריאל לבוא השלום ולסיום הכיבוש. 
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ועד ראשי האוניברסיטאות דחה את הדיון על צירוף אריאל לשורותיו

 אור קשתי לפני 6 ימים


ועד ראשי האוניברסיטאות דחה את ההחלטה בעניין צירוף אוניברסיטת אריאל לגוף היוקרתי למועד לא ידוע. בדיון שהתקיים בשבוע שעבר התברר כי כמה מנשיאי האוניברסיטאות מעדיפים שלא לקבל כעת החלטה בנושא. הוועד החליט לאחרונה על צירוף האוניברסיטה לשורותיו בתום מאבק בן עשור, שכלל גם עתירה לבג”ץ, ודיון בנושא תוכנן לשבוע הבא.

מקורות הבקיאים בפרטי הדיון אמרו כי עם הגורמים לדחייה נמנים מחאה שהביעו אנשי סגל באוניברסיטאות השונות, לצד חשש שהמהלך יצטייר כתמיכה עקיפה בשר החינוך יואב גלנט. לאחרונה השתמש גלנט בקריאתו של פרופ’ עודד גולדרייך שלא לשתף פעולה עם אריאל כסיבה לעכב את זכייתו בפרס ישראל, בניסיון לבטלה.

בכירים במוסדות האקדמיים הסבירו החודש את הנכונות לצרף את אוניברסיטת אריאל לוועד בחשש מלחץ של שר החינוך הבא, שעשוי לבוא משורות הימין, או מעתירה לבג”ץ. “המאבק נגד אריאל הוא המלחמה הקודמת”, אמר אחד הנשיאים, “קשה להמשיך ולהתנגד לה מבחינה משפטית”. אחד מעמיתיו הוסיף כי “אנחנו מרחק עתירה אחת שבעקבותיה היינו נאלצים לקבל את אריאל. היינו צריכים להחליט אם להתפזר או לאפשר לה להיכנס. העדפנו לנקוט יוזמה ולא לחכות לשר הבא או לפסק דין”.

ואולם, התוכניות המוקדמות לנקוט יוזמה ולא להצטייר כמי ש”נכנעים” ללחץ חיצוני – פוליטי או משפטי – השתנו במידה רבה בעקבות סירוב גלנט לקבל את המלצת ועדת השופטים ולהעניק את פרס ישראל בתחום המתמטיקה ומדעי המחשב לפרופ’ גולדרייך. בתשובה לעתירה לבג”ץ שהגישה ועדת השופטים, ולאחר ששורה של טענות נגד גולדרייך הועלו והוסרו, ביקש גלנט מהשופטים ארכה של חודש כדי לבדוק אם חתימתו של פרופ’ גולדרייך על עצומה שקראה לאיחוד האירופי שלא לשתף פעולה עם המוסד מהווה הפרה של “חוק החרם” – ויכולה לשמש כעילה לפסול אותו מלקבל את הפרס. השופטים יצחק עמית, נעם סולברג ויעל וילנר קיבלו את הבקשה, שמשמעותה המעשית היתה מניעת מתן הפרס לגולדרייך בטקס שנערך ביום העצמאות.

החלטת גלנט חייבה את ראשי האוניברסיטאות לנקוט עמדה ברורה. בהודעה משותפת לשבעה מתוך שמונת נשיאי האוניברסיטאות (מלבד בר אילן) נכתב כי התנהלותו של שר החינוך “חוטאת לרעיון שביסוד קיומו של פרס ישראל ומהווה פגיעה חמורה בחופש הביטוי ובחופש המחשבה”. במקביל, כתבו חברי סגל לנשיאיהם כי הם מתנגדים לצירוף אריאל לוועד – ומצפים כי יפעלו באופן דומה.

הדיון בוור”ה נערך ביום חמישי שעבר. לדברי מקור הבקיא בפרטי הדיון, “ראשי האוניברסיטאות לא רצו להצטייר כמי שנותנים ‘פרס’ למי שמשתמש באריאל ככלי במשחק הפוליטי”. מקור נוסף אמר כי יו”ר הוועד, נשיא האוניברסיטה העברית פרופ’ אשר כהן, ביקש לדון בצירוף אריאל, בעוד שנשיאים אחרים “חשבו שזה לא נכון לקבל עכשיו החלטה, אלא לדחות אותה למועד לא ידוע. זה שינוי מהותי מההסכמה הרחבה, שהיתה שבועיים-שלושה קודם לכן, על המהלך”. לדברי גורם אחר, “הנשיאים הביעו את דעתם בצורה חדה על גולדרייך, אך כל החלטה על אריאל היתה נצבעת מיד בצבעים פוליטיים. במצב כזה עדיף לא להחליט”.

ככל הנראה, פרסום ב”הארץ” בשבוע שעבר, שלפיו במשרד היועץ המשפטי לממשלה ובמועצה להשכלה גבוהה בודקים את החלטת אוניברסיטת אריאל להעניק נקודות זכות אקדמיות עבור התנדבות במאחזים בלתי חוקיים, לא הקל על תומכי צירוף המוסד שבשטחים.

מוועד ראשי האוניברסיטאות נמסר בתגובה כי “הדיון בנושא טרם מוצה, ולכן לא התקבלה החלטה. ייקבע דיון המשך”.

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———- Forwarded message ———
From: Amiram Goldblum
Date: Thu, Apr 29, 2021 at 5:25 PM
‪Subject: Re: [Academia-IL-Bashaar] ועד ראשי האוניברסיטאות דחה את הדיון על צירוף אריאל לשורותיו‬
To: Academia Network <academia-il@listserver.huji.ac.il>

אולי נשיאי האוניברסיטאות בישראל מתקנאים באריאל ורוצים שגם הסטודנטים שלהם יקבלו נקודות זכות אקדמיות על השתתפות בפעילות של נוער הגבעות.. ואולי גם יתקדמו לפעילות של להב”ה ולה פאמיליה – למשל, אם סמוטריץ’ או בן גביר או אורית סטרוק או אבי מעוז יהיו שר החינוך, הלא הפחד אוכל אותם –  חלילה להם מלהתנגש עם שר חינוך. העובדה שנשיאי האוניברסיטאות לא הודיעו “נייט” חד משמעי, מנומק מוסרית במפלצתיות של הכיבוש והאפרטהייד שאריאל היא אחד מעוגניו, מבהירה מיהם ומהם. “ראיתיכם שוב בקוצר ידכם” ?? לא ולא. ראיתיכם שוב בקוצר הלב, האמת והמוסר.

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From: Prof. Asher Yahalom
Date: Sun, May 2, 2021 at 7:51 PM
‪Subject: Re: [Academia-IL-Bashaar] ועד ראשי האוניברסיטאות דחה את הדיון על צירוף אריאל לשורותיו‬
To: Academia Network <academia-il@listserver.huji.ac.il>

מי שתומך בקולוניאליזם והאימפריאליזם הערבי ובשקר העם הפלסטיני אל יהין לעלות את המילה “מוסר” על דל שפתיו.

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https://jfjfp.com/in-about-face-israeli-university-heads-decide-to-admit-settlement-university-to-joint-body/

In about-face, Israeli university heads decide to admit settlement university

April 15, 2021
REPORT
JFJFP

After a nearly decade-long dispute, Association of University Heads admits Ariel University located in West Bank settlement

Ariel University

Or Kashti reports in Haaretz on 10 April 2021:

After almost a decade’s struggle and a petition to the High Court of Justice, Israel’s Association of University Heads decided to admit Ariel University to its ranks.

One of the main reasons for the move was the university heads’ fear of heavy pressure by the next education minister, who will most likely come from the right. Should they wait until then, the move would be seen as a surrender on their part, they said.  “We are one High Court petition away from being forced to accept Ariel,” one university president said. “We had to decide whether to disperse or let it in. We preferred to take the initiative rather than wait for the next minister or wait for a court verdict.”

According to informed sources, the decision is expected to be passed without opposition at the association’s next meeting in two weeks.  Until now the association had objected to accepting the university in the West Bank to its ranks and in recent years the issue was a source of constant tension between the university heads and rightist ministers, who exerted heavy pressure in favor of Ariel University.

The association, consisting of seven research university presidents and the Open University as an observer, is a voluntary body. It represents the universities before ministries, the Council for Higher Education, the Planning and Financing Committee and others. Since it isn’t statutory, rightist ministers like Naftali Bennett and Zeev Elkin couldn’t force it to admit Ariel University, which they hold dear for political reasons.

The struggle included open threats like stopping the cooperation with the association and covert threats regarding issues that are important to the universities.  A senior university official told Haaretz that “the struggle against Ariel is the previous war. We fought and lost. Even though I’m convinced it was born in sin and there are doubts as to its academic quality, it’s hard to continue to object to it on a legal basis.”

One of his colleagues said the decision being drafted stems also from the desire “not to give a prize to the next education minister.”

In this regard, association members cite the High Court of Justice’s decision on Thursday. The court permitted Education Minister Yoav Gallant to examine whether a petition signed by Professor Oded Goldreich of the Weizmann Institute, which called on the European Union not to cooperate with Ariel University, could deprive him of the Israel Prize for mathematics and computer science.

Another source said that as long as Ariel’s status as a university was “based on the Judea and Samaria council of higher education’s decision, which was ratified by the army’s Central Command, there was no justification to accept it to the association.”  However, he added that the situation changed fundamentally after the Judea and Samaria council of higher education was abolished in February, 2018, when the Knesset voted to put Ariel University under the control of the same accreditation body as other Israeli colleges and universities. “Formally Ariel is an Israeli university and there’s nothing we can do about it,” said the source.  Another official added: “We expected an international outcry would be raised. It didn’t happen.”

The main implication of accepting Ariel to the association is that its decisions will probably not be unanimous anymore, a source said.

Other officials slammed the decision and its timing. Professor Nir Gov of the Weizmann Institute said that in the last two to three years previous university heads, who “experienced firsthand the ugly process in which the Likud government’s education ministers did all they could to upgrade Ariel’s status, have been replaced. The new generation treats it like an Israeli university to all intents and purposes. Ariel is the clearest symbol of the higher education’s politicization. The presidents’ agreeing to it is a badge of shame. For pragmatic reasons, the presidents decided to put their values into deep freeze and toe the line with the ruling power and its demands.”

Gov said he wasn’t sure the university senates will oppose the decision even if “most professors think they should. The government succeeded in instilling in them a fear of expressing that [view].”

Another source said that if the association wants to renounce its principles, it should do it as part of negotiations, not for nothing. “There’s no reason to believe that the next minister will make do with this step. He’ll also try to prove that he subjugated academia,” he said.

In the past decade numerous confrontations took place between the association and Ariel University. In 2012 the university heads petitioned against the decision made by the Judea Samaria council for higher education, which was promoted by then education minister Gideon Sa’ar, to turn the Ariel college into a university. According to the petition, serious flaws were made in the three major considerations – academic, planning and budgetary – to recognize the college as a university.

The High Court denied the petition, saying that even after the recognition, the Judea and Samaria council for higher education would still have to consult with the Planning and Budgeting Committee.

But the obligation to consult with the committee gradually lost its meaning after it became another tool in the political game.

This article is reproduced in its entirety

BGU Oren Yiftachel’s Two Decades of Apartheid Analogy

29.04.21

Editorial Note

Oren Yiftachel, a professor of Geography at Ben Gurion University, is presenting two seminars on his new book Land and Power: from Ethnocracy and Creeping Apartheid in Israel/Palestine, in Hebrew. 

Yiftachel explains in a Haaretz article, that the “process I’ve referred to in my research as ‘creeping apartheid’ that gradually reinforces the principles of Jewish supremacy and ‘separate and unequal’ in all areas of life between the Jordan and the sea. In such settings, the Palestinian Authority and Hamas only control the areas of life that Israel isn’t interested in controlling, and as such they too become (reluctant) servants of the apartheid order.”

Yiftachel has been a political activist for several decades.  He was one of the pioneers of the notion that Israel is an apartheid state.  Over time, Yiftachel has fiddled with the concept to fit the South African reality.  For instance, he states that Israel, with a “consistent process of violent and putatively legal colonization on both sides of the Green Line, a hierarchy of citizenships has crystallized, reminiscent of the former South African system of “whites” (full citizens), “coloureds” (partial citizens) and “blacks” (subjects without citizenship). Their counterparts in Israel/Palestine are Jews (full citizens throughout the territory), Palestinian Arabs in Israel (partial citizenship) and Palestinian subjects with no citizenship in the occupied territories.”

YIftachel’s methodology is absurd in the extreme and hardly deserves commentary. One example suffices. According to his definition, the Ethiopian Jews, who are full Israeli citizens, are “white,” but the Palestinian Arabs (in Israel) are not white.  He never bothered to explain why a “white colonial government” would bring African blacks as immigrants to Israel and even proceed to make them “white,” that is, give them full citizenship.  The real explanation would blow his apartheid theory to pieces, so it is not mentioned.   This is not unusual for Yiftachel and his ideological peers.  Reality is often ignored, truth falsified, and logic twisted beyond comprehension.  

Still, Yiftachel seems to be quite happy with his performance.  He mentioned a report published by the Israeli human rights group B’tselem, which he refers to as the “apartheid document.”  Yiftachel, a board member of B’tselem, co-authored this report and seemed to be alluding to the fact that it played a part in the decision of the International Criminal Court to open an investigation into alleged human rights crimes in Gaza. 

Yitachel noted that “the apartheid argument has already been raised for some time in academic circles.” This is correct. Since 2002 Yiftachel has been espousing the idea that Israel is an apartheid state as part of his scholarship. 

Throughout his activist-academic career, Yiftachel has discussed his apartheid analogy on the pages of the anti-Israel media outlets, including in 2009, the Middle East Research and Information Project (MERIP).

Yiftachel has been attacking Israel from other angles as well. Recently, Yiftachel collaborated with the Palestinian Forum for Israeli Studies (MADAR), an independent research center based in Ramallah, specializing in “Israeli affairs.” Yiftachel provided MADAR with an article in Arabic, very similar to his “Welcome to the era of Coronialism,” claiming that under the guise of “emergency,” states, such as Israel, are using COVID-19 to “consolidate power, prop up the neoliberal order, and clamp down on the disenfranchised,” termed “Coronialism.” Yiftachel warns that if we fail to struggle against it, “regressive forces will recolonize society, notably in Israel-Palestine.” The article was published one year ago, but the claims are breathtakingly false.  Israel has become an internationally recognized leader in fighting the pandemic, which was recognized worldwide.

Yiftachel’s apartheid analogy began in 2002. The Guardian newspaper detailed how an academic paper submitted by Yifachel and a colleague to a British journal was returned unopened with a note saying they did not accept papers from Israelis. After negotiations with David Slater, one of the editors, Yiftachel agreed to insert comparisons of Israel with apartheid South Africa. As stated by the Guardian: “In this report we referred to the treatment of a paper written by Professor Oren Yiftachel of Ben Gurion University and Dr Asad Ghanem of Haifa University, which was submitted to the journal Political Geography. We reported that Professor Yiftachel had, after a protracted dispute, agreed to revise the paper according to suggestions made by Political Geography, including the insertion of a comparison of Israel and apartheid South Africa, and that on this basis the paper had been accepted for publication.”   The Guardian detailed the pressure on Yiftachel by Slater, a geography professor at Loughborough University, and a “prominent British supporter of Palestinian causes.” Slater responded to the Guardian by saying, “But I was familiar with some of the author’s previous work… I was not sure to what extent he had been critical of Israel.” Slater said he hesitated what to do with Yiftachel’s paper, “for a while.” After some long months, “Yiftachel agreed. He still sounds slightly puzzled at how he ran into such difficulties with an apparent political kindred spirit like David Slater. Slater maintains that Political Geography is not officially hostile to contributions from Israel. But then, almost in passing, he mentions something interesting. At some point last spring or summer, while he was pondering Yiftachel’s paper, Slater signed a petition calling for an academic boycott of Israel.” Eventually, Yiftachel’s article was published in 2004.

Clearly, Yiftachel mishandled the incident. Right from the start, he could have contacted the academic leadership of Ben Gurion University to seek advice, and they should have contacted the journal for clarifications.

However, the Palestinian-Israeli dispute is century-long. In 1948 the Palestinians with their Arab allies tried to destroy the nascent Jewish state but were unsuccessful. Israel fought back and won several wars since. The fighting continues to this day. It is easy to see that Yiftachel’s apartheid analogy is not scientific. In fact, he abused his scholarship to promote his political agenda.

אוניברסיטת בן-גוריון בנגבהשקת ספרו של אורן יפתחאל: עוצמה ואדמה

השקת ספרו של אורן יפתחאל: עוצמה ואדמה

28 אפר’ 2021 18:00הדפסה

​מרכז חיים הרצוג לחקר המזרח התיכון והדיפלומטיה, המחלקה לגיאוגרפיה ופיתוח סביבתי
מזמינים אתכם להשקת ספרו של אורן יפתחאל: עוצמה ואדמה : מאתנוקרטיה לאפרטהייד זוחל בישראל/פלסטין

כריכת הספר

ברכות:
דוד וטשטיין, דיקן הפקולטה למדעי הרוח והחברה, אוניברסיטת בן-גוריון בנגב
חיה במבג’י-סספורטס, מרכז חיים הרצוג, אוניברסיטת בן-גוריון בנגב​

דוברים:
נורית אלפסי, המחלקה לגיאוגרפיה ופיתוח סביבתי, אוניברסיטת בן-גוריון בנגב
ראיף זריק, מרכז מינרבה למדעי הרוח, אוניברסיטת תל-אביב, מכון ון-ליר בירושלים
דניאל דה-מלאך, המחלקה למנהל ומדיניות ציבורית, המכללה האקדמית ספיר

מגיב:
אורן יפתחאל, המחלקה לגיאוגרפיה ופיתוח סביבתי, אוניברסיטת בן-גוריון בנגב

מנחה:
ארז צפדיה, המחלקה למנהל ומדיניות ציבורית, המכללה האקדמית ספיר

קישור למפגש ב-zoom »

Meeting ID: 849 5166 6800
Passcode: 896401

לפרטים: 08-6472538 hercen@bgu.ac.il​

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https://in.bgu.ac.il/humsos/soc-ant/pages/events/seminar-26-05-2021.aspx
  אוניברסיטת בן-גוריון בנגב   
 המחלקה לסוציולוגיה ואנתרופולוגיה26 מאי 2021 12:15 – 13:45

אורן יפתחאל
 “לדובב את המרחב – הערות על אפרטהייד זוחל” 
דיון לאור פרסום ספרו “עוצמה ואדמה – מאתנוקרטיה לאפרטהייד זוחל בישראל/פלסטין” (רסלינג, 2021)תקציר:מה הקשר בין עצמה ואדמה? מה ההשפעות ההדדיות של יחסים חברתיים ופוליטיים על המרחב, ולהפך? כיצד ניתן להבין את המרחב היהודי פלסטיני בארץ? איך התעצבה האתנוקרטיה הישראלית? וכיצד השתנו היחסים בין הקבוצות באוכלוסייה כך שהאתנוקרטיה הפכה לאפרטהייד.בהתבסס על סדרת מחקרים ביקורתיים פורצי דרך, הספר מציע זוויות מבט מגוונות על תהליך היווצרותו של משטר האפרטהייד דרך הקולוניזציה המרחבית, הכלכלית, הפוליטיות וכו’.
פרופ’ אורן יפתחאל  חוקר ומלמד גיאוגרפיה פוליטית ומשפטית ותכנון עירוני באוניברסיטת בן-גוריון בבאר שבע; פעיל חברתי ופוליטי בארגוני שלום, צדק חברתי וזכויות אדם. מבין ספריו “תכנונו של אזור מעורב: ערבים ויהודים בגליל” (הוצאת אייברי, 1992); “שומרים על הכרם – מג’ד אלכרום כמשל” (ון-ליר, 1997); “סְפָר ופריפריה אתנית” (עם אבינועם מאיר, הוצאת ווסטוויו, 1998); “כוחו של תכנון” (עורך, הוצאת קוולר); “אתנוקרטיה – קרקע, זהות ופוליטיקה בישראל/פלסטין” (הוצאת אוניברסיטת פנסילבניה, 2006); “אי-צדק ילידי” (עם אחמד אמארה ואסמעיל אבו-סעד, הוצאת הרווארד, 2013); “אדמה מרוקנת: הגיאוגרפיה המשפטית של הבדווים בנגב” (עם סנדי קדר ואחמד אמארה, הוצאת סטנפורד, 2018).
יפתחאל הוא מהחוקרים הביקורתיים הבולטים בישראל ובעל שם עולמי.
https://in.bgu.ac.il/humsos/soc-ant/DocLib/Pages/events/seminar-26-05-2021/%D7%A4%D7%95%D7%A1%D7%98%D7%A8%20%D7%A1%D7%9E%D7%99%D7%A0%D7%A8%20%D7%A1%D7%95%D7%A6%D7%99%D7%95%D7%9C%D7%95%D7%92%D7%99%D7%94%20%D7%95%D7%90%D7%A0%D7%AA%D7%A8%D7%95%D7%A4%D7%95%D7%9C%D7%95%D7%92%D7%99%D7%94-26-05-2021.pdf

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Israel’s apartheid debate: smash the mirror or fix reality?

Oren Yiftachel writes in Haaretz on 5 March 2021:

B’Tselem’s “apartheid document,” published in January, and the International Criminal Court’s decision soon after to investigate Israel’s potential war crimes in the occupied territories have stirred much debate on the nature of the Israeli regime. The subject was also the focus of the online Haaretz Conference on Democracy on Wednesday.

However, despite this important debate, a majority of Jewish-Israeli reactions preferred to smash the mirror rather than think about fixing the reality. With the election coming up, this reality should be confronted head-on, leading to the question “What next?” to which I turn below.

Notably, the apartheid argument has already been raised for some time in academic circles. The B’Tselem report marks the first time a local civil society organization has published a systematic analysis of the regime covering the entire area under Israel’s control – between the Jordan River and the sea. Of course, the only way to characterize an entity is to include all of its parts, although most organizations and leaders have refrained from doing so for decades. After five decades of colonial rule and permanent settlement, the excuse of “temporary occupation” has become meaningless.

The facts are beyond any doubt: Israel is the direct sovereign power in 90 percent of the territory between the Jordan River and the sea (the ’67 borders plus Area C). It also indirectly but quite tightly controls the remaining 10 percent in which 5 million Palestinians are forcefully concentrated in controlled enclaves. Applicable to all this area are laws, regulations or government practices that implement the principle of Jewish supremacy.

B’Tselem’s report demonstrates how, via a consistent process of violent and putatively legal colonization on both sides of the Green Line, a hierarchy of citizenships has crystallized, reminiscent of the former South African system of “whites” (full citizens), “coloureds” (partial citizens) and “blacks” (subjects without citizenship). Their counterparts in Israel/Palestine are Jews (full citizens throughout the territory), Palestinian Arabs in Israel (partial citizenship) and Palestinian subjects with no citizenship in the occupied territories.

Importantly though, in the international political and legal discourse, apartheid has come to mean a general type of regime and not necessarily an exact copy of South Africa. Indeed, there are also key differences between the two cases: In South Africa, the whites amounted to only 20 percent of the population, while here the Jews are about half. Unlike in South Africa, in Israel/Palestine there are two internationally recognized national movements, and two future states under international law.

B’Tselem’s argument can certainly be challenged and debated. Notably, many pertinent reactions have come from different places around the globe. Most importantly, it has won the support of many Palestinian civil society organizations, something not to be taken for granted in this time of deep separation and boycott.

Yet, in Jewish circles, the responses from the center-right have largely been Pavlovian, notably Education Minister Yoav Gallant’s hysterical reaction in banning B’Tselem representatives from schools. This was echoed by Netanyahu’s equally hysterical response accusing the court in The Hague of “pure antisemitism.”

The responses by right-wing columnists like Nave Dromi in Haaretz’s Hebrew edition, and leading columnists like Ari Shavit, Ben-Dror Yemini and Irit Linor in other newspapers have been dominated by a flood of curses and derogatory comments accusing B’Tselem of hatred, hypocrisy, antisemitism and anti-Zionism, while also blaming Palestinians for the Israeli colonial policies. These politicians and commentators would rather smash the mirror than be alarmed by the reflection.

On the center-left, the main reaction has been to look away from the mirror. In that vein, pieces in Haaretz by Zvi Bar’el, Israel Shrenzel and Shaul Arieli, as well as statements by Labor’s Merav Michaeli and Meretz’s Nitzan Horowitz at the Democracy Conference have stuck to the worn-out formula of “democracy here, a temporary occupation there.” But what about the fact that in nine of the past 11 elections, it was the West Bank’s settlers’ votes that crowned the colonialist right to rule Israel? Apparently, “democracy” now includes the Jews in the occupied territories but not the disenfranchised Palestinians. In other words, this democracy isn’t a democracy.

The selective right to vote is of course just one aspect of the increasingly deepening connection between Jewish Israel and the Palestinian territories in a process I’ve referred to in my research as “creeping apartheid” that gradually reinforces the principles of Jewish supremacy and “separate and unequal” in all areas of life between the Jordan and the sea. In such settings, the Palestinian Authority and Hamas only control the areas of life that Israel isn’t interested in controlling, and as such they too become (reluctant) servants of the apartheid order.

The most important question following the debate is “Where to now?” The B’Tselem report serves as a flashing warning sign. It aims to motivate all parties concerned with democracy and human rights to recognize what is reflected in the mirror so clearly, and to begin struggling harder than ever to halt the apartheid and decolonize Jewish-Palestinian relations.

Importantly, the end to apartheid does not necessarily lead to a one-state solution, as the international debate usually puts it. Such a solution would encounter profound difficulties given the recognized right of the Palestinians and Israelis to self-determination, a collective right no people is likely to ever give up.

There are several other possibilities, like the establishment of two separate independent states (which failed repeatedly for 80 years), or what I believe are more appropriate models of confederation and federation that would allow for sovereignty and self-determination for both peoples, while permitting freedom of movement, a united capital and an integrated economy in the shared homeland. The joint Israeli-Palestinian peace movement A Land for All has been promoting this path for several years, with modest but growing support.

But first, of course, the election is around the corner, so it’s vital to firmly oppose the broad spectrum of parties, from Kahol Lavan and Likud to the religious parties, that promote all shades of apartheid. Changing the momentum begins with supporting the (very few) parties that promote real democracy and equal collective and personal rights for all inhabitants of our land.

Beyond voting, much can be done in all walks of policy and daily life to break the racist separation between Jews and Palestinians on both sides of the Green Line. Hence, the big challenge posed by B’Tselem’s report is to resist the urge to smash the mirror or turn away from it. Instead it urges all concerned to bravely look at the unpleasant view reflected in the mirror and begin its transformation – the earlier the better.

Prof. Oren Yiftachel is a co-author of the B’Tselem report mentioned in this piece. He is a founding member of the A Land for All peace movement.

This article is reproduced in its entirety
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https://www.972mag.com/welcome-to-the-era-of-coronialism/

Welcome to the era of Coronialism

Under the guise of ’emergency,’ states are using COVID-19 to consolidate power, prop up the neoliberal order, and clamp down on the disenfranchised. If we fail to struggle for a new order, regressive forces will recolonize society, notably in Israel-Palestine.
By Oren Yiftachel April 30, 2020

The spread of COVID-19 has wrought massive changes over the last two months in the realms of politics, economy, and geography across the world. Basic norms have changed, emergency legislation has been passed, massive economies have ground to a halt, and simple daily human contact has been reduced to a minimum.

Although the crisis will undoubtedly ease, it is unlikely that things will return to “business as usual.” Substantial social and political changes are afoot, signaling the onset of a new era we may now term “coronialism,” most notably in Israel-Palestine.

The term coronialism echoes, of course, “colonialism,” but it operates under different circumstances. In coronialism, the relatively stable fabric of life is undermined by a dangerous invasion of an external force. The invasion transforms society in ways not envisaged by the local population, with structural changes spawning short and long-term transformations. The health crisis of the coronavirus may only be the tip of the coronialism iceberg, the consequences of which will be mainly social, economic, and political.

Coronialism, like its predecessor, attempts to conquer the minds of those under its rule. It would be impossible to understand how, against the spread of what currently remains a medium-scale disease, billions of people have come to accept draconian closures, political disempowerment, and economic ruin with little protest or disobedience. This is made possible by an atmosphere of fear, which provides governments and the media cover to bombard us with an avalanche of details of the impending “disaster.”

In Israel, one cannot explain the decision by Benny Gantz, who claimed to represent the anti-Netanyahu opposition, to betray his voters and join Netanyahu’s government without resorting to coronialist rhetoric. Gantz has now agreed to play second fiddle in a coronial “emergency government,” which will save Netanyahu (for the time being) from his corruption trial, while emboldening the prime minister to make constitutional changes that further bolster governmental power.

To be sure, the global coronial order is still in the making. In the short and medium term, the regime is building the foundations of a new “emergency routine” based on a number of new realities. For one, the failure of market forces has been resounding, shedding new light on the inability of neoliberal capitalism to deal with lesser crises, such as rising housing prices or the decline in quality of education.

Meanwhile, globalization has been slowing down considerably while the putatively weakened nation-state is returning to center stage. Governments are quickly falling back to their old habits of inciting against migrants, imposing harsh border controls, forcing strict limits on movement, introducing intrusive surveillance measures, and putting into motion the rapid centralization of powers. Spatially, life is being reformatted, with new patterns of social distancing and digital communication changing our everyday reality.

Yet, when it comes to the long term, matters are far less clear, which is precisely why we must treat coronialism as an opportunity for struggle. After all, hegemonic forces have been quick to change the rules of the game in their favor.

Politically, this has included the bypassing of democratic institutions, the bolstering of unchecked executive powers, and new emergency regulations. When it comes to the economy, governments around the world have launched unprecedented fiscal and monetary stimuli directed primarily at supporting financial markets. It is already clear that most of these new arrangements will mostly go to helping prop up corporations and industries, while leaving behind the marginalized who are now even weaker, stripped of their jobs, and dispossessed of social services. These policies will particularly affect labor migrants, temporary workers, small business owners, and the newly unemployed.

On the other hand, now that decades of “small government” and “neoliberal” policies have been exposed for their irresponsible neglect, we have begun to witness a new hunger for alternatives that will ensure public (state, urban, communal) provision of essential services. This applies, first and foremost, to health, but also to transportation, housing, the environment, and education. The coronavirus crisis has laid bare the fundamental problem of privatizing and distributing these services according to profit, while giving us a glimpse of how unequipped capitalist societies are to deal with nightmare scenarios such as climate change or a potential world war.

In this light, the link between coronialism and colonialism goes beyond phonetics. History warns us against oppressive forces exploiting “emergencies” for the purpose of seizing power and resources. In Israel-Palestine, this has already become a reality, with business elites and the Finance Ministry already pushing for “painful cuts” (in other words: the transfer of resources from poor to rich, from the public sphere to private hands, and from minorities to the majority). At the same time, the state is “importing” severe measures used against Palestinians in the occupied West Bank in order to govern Jewish citizens inside Israel.

Meanwhile, Israel’s far-right pro-apartheid bloc, which has ruled Israeli politics in its current composition for the past five years, hopes to use the new “emergency government” as a vessel for unilateral annexation of large parts of the West Bank. Such measures will turn Israel into an official apartheid state, with open contempt for Palestinian rights and international law. Here the coronial and the colonial merge, creating a dangerous change in direction for both Israelis and Palestinians.

Democratic forces must realize that the period ahead will be a long and bitter struggle to shape the nature of the coronialist order. We must be aware of both the dangers and potential for positive change in this fragile time. We should learn from the failures of previous campaigns, most notably the Second Intifada and the 2011 social protests, neither of which established a multi-group movement for progressive change in Israel-Palestine. We must work to unite the interests of many sectors and groups that can rally against apartheid and privatization, and for equality, accessibility, and democracy.

The long path to building those alliances begins with genuine and equal partnership between Jews and Arabs inside Israel, as well as with Palestinians in the occupied territories, while remembering that we all live under the same regime, whether directly or indirectly. These partnerships will expose the real goal of the current regime, which is to strip millions of their political and social rights and establish an undeclared apartheid regime under the guise of an “emergency.”

We must find new spheres — in neighborhoods, towns, and cities on both sides of the Green Line — where we can work together to build a just society. A society based on such principles would be more stable and resilient for future health, environmental, political, and economic crises that are inevitable in the post-coronial period ahead.
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https://merip.org/2009/12/creeping-apartheid-in-israel-palestine/

“Creeping Apartheid” in Israel-Palestine

Oren YiftachelIn: 253 (Winter 2009)

On July 5, 2009, Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel’s prime minister, said something that had many rubbing their eyes in disbelief. Reviewing his government’s first 100 days, he pronounced, “We have managed to create a national agreement about the concept of ‘two states for two peoples.’” Can it be that the hardline leader of the Likud, known for opposing almost every withdrawal from occupied territory Israel has ever undertaken, now believes in a peaceful two-state solution?

On the surface, it is hard to tell. On the one hand, Netanyahu is hardly the first Zionist leader to declare support for peace through Palestinian statehood accompanied by Israeli territorial withdrawals. On the other hand, he is solidly within the Zionist consensus behind colonial and oppressive practices that work to further “Judaize” contested space and deny Palestinians — on both sides of the Green Line marking off Israel proper from occupied Palestine — their legitimate rights.

But the prime minister is not schizophrenic, and there is no contradiction between these two positions, which in fact crystallize the latest phase in the changing political geography of Zionist-Palestinian conflict: a phase of neither two states nor one. In place of movement toward two states or one, there is a process of “creeping apartheid” — undeclared, yet structural — reordering the politics and geography of the country between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea. The colonized West Bank, the besieged Gaza Strip and Israel proper, each with its own official set of rules, are in fact merging into one regime system, ultimately controlled by the Jewish state, which increasingly appears to bear the characteristics of apartheid, and inhabited by people with citizenship status akin to “blacks,” “coloreds” and “whites.” Repeated statements by Israeli leaders in support of Palestinian statehood have thus far functioned to lend this process legitimacy, rather than lead to the end of colonial settlement, military occupation, minority oppression and resolution of the conflict.

The Israeli regime system has long been “ethnocratic,” that is to say, an overall logic of Judaization prevails in all regions under Israeli control despite the differences in their legal and political circumstances. Over time, however, the contradictions of ethnocracy have led to a deepening of the “separate and unequal” conditions in Israel-Palestine. Jews enjoy a relatively even and privileged political and legal position, while Palestinians are divided into several proto-groups, each having a differently inferior set of rights and capabilities. Under the process of creeping apartheid, Palestinians are increasingly confined to a series of what may be called “black” and “colored” ghettoes, while Jews reside in relatively open localities, both in Israel and in the Judaized West Bank.

Crossing the Rubicon?

A new political geographic phase has prevailed since the early 1990s, leading to a sea change in the discourse of Israeli leaders toward the Palestinians. Under the new approach, Israeli leaders are gradually recognizing Palestinian collective rights, although in vague terms and with perpetual delays in implementation. The shift came after decades of intransigent denial of the Palestinian right to self-determination and statehood, combined with support of Jewish expansion into the Occupied Palestinian Territories and in Palestinian regions inside Israel.

A notable early turn into the new discourse was taken by Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, who was willing to recognize the Palestine Liberation Organization and “Palestinian national political rights” as enshrined in the Oslo accords of 1993. Another premier from the Labor Party, Ehud Barak, negotiated at Camp David in 2000 and at Taba in 2001 over the shape of a Palestinian state, and ordered withdrawal of the Israeli army from Lebanon. The Labor Party’s reputation, if not its policies or actions, had been moderate for some time, so the change in discourse became much more conspicuous when right-wing nationalist leaders such as Ariel Sharon and Netanyahu began to use it. These men had built their careers on advancing Zionist colonization and advocating violence in order to achieve strategic defeat of Palestinian nationalism, what Baruch Kimmerling aptly termed the “politicide” of the Palestinians. [1]

The transformation was starkest in Sharon, justly regarded as the father of the settlement project in the West Bank and a long-time champion of the idea that Israel’s security required a Greater Israel stretching from the river to the sea. In 2002, Sharon rejected the idea of leaving even the most isolated outposts in Gaza: “Under my leadership there will be no empty concessions to the Palestinians. The fate of Netzarim and Kfar Darom is the same as Tel Aviv.” Just over one year later, the aging premier reversed himself: “It is impossible to continue keeping 3.5 million Palestinians under occupation. Yes, it is occupation, and it is bad for Israel.” Moreover, unlike other Israeli leaders who had expressed comparable sentiments, Sharon turned his words into action, carrying out a unilateral military withdrawal and evacuation of 25 Jewish settlements from the Gaza Strip and northern West Bank in 2005. It was the first time that Israel had willingly vacated areas it considers to be the Jewish homeland, that is, the biblical Land of Israel.

Before he slipped into a coma in early 2006, Sharon also led a coterie of ideological confreres out of Likud and formed a new party, Kadima, whose raison d’etre was to complete similar withdrawals, or “disengagements,” from more of the West Bank. His successor as prime minister, Ehud Olmert of Kadima, actively sought to effect this withdrawal and, failing that, to negotiate a two-state agreement with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas. In a rare burst of frankness, Olmert later declared: “Failure to reach a peace agreement and create a viable Palestinian state could plunge Israel into a South African-style apartheid struggle.” If that happens, he said, “the state of Israel is finished.” He was backed in the spirit of these comments by his foreign minister, Tzipi Livni, now leader of Kadima, whose 2009 election campaign was heavily focused on the two-state horizon.

Does this transformation signal the crossing of the peace Rubicon? It appears not. While the Greater Israel agenda is all but dead, its replacement is unlikely to be either a viable Palestinian state alongside democratic Israel or one democratic state between the Jordan and the Mediterranean. Rather, its replacement will probably be peace-seeking rhetoric masking a reality of apartheid. In other words, the Israeli ethnocratic project is changing its character, from horizontal to vertical, and its main goal, from expansion to enhancement of ethno-national privilege. Jews, wherever they live, will be at the top of the ladder, and the Palestinians varying numbers of rungs below them.

This outcome is not inevitable. Concerted and determined international pressure, led by the United States, could still bring about a viable and fully sovereign Palestinian state, with international law implemented, Palestinian rights respected, legitimate Israeli rights protected and the region stabilized. Yet such a peaceful trajectory would require both Jews and Palestinians, and especially the former, to deal honestly with the core issues shaping the conflict, such as the consequences of 1948 war, the plight of Palestinian refugees, Jerusalem, borders and the future of Palestinians inside Israel. It appears unlikely that any political force, including Israel’s American patron, will have the wherewithal or the willpower to compel Israel to halt the process of creeping apartheid.

Aggression and Conciliation

The contours of the contemporary phase in Israel-Palestine’s political geography are complex, including measured readjustment and some shrinkage of the Zionist territorial project, mixed with new forms of domination over Palestine and Palestinians. The new phase follows decades of unabated Zionist demographic and spatial expansion, characterized by Jewish-only immigration, tight military control, construction of some 800 Jewish settlements in Israel proper and over 200 in the Occupied Territories, massive land confiscation and uncompromising attempts to Judaize all of the country.

Transition to the current phase occurred gradually, as a response to a range of events demonstrating that the previous colonial momentum could not be sustained. Chief among these events were the two intifadas beginning in 1987 and 2000, the Palestinian resort to suicide terror against Israeli civilians, the rise of Hamas and its rocket campaign from Gaza, and growing pressure against Israel’s illegal settlements from an increasingly antagonistic world community. Israeli elites began to realize that further expansion and direct oppression bear high security, economic and social costs, which run counter to the increasingly popular agendas of globalization and liberalization.

In the absence of a genuine wish for reconciliation with the Palestinians according to binding international decisions, however, Israel sought to rearrange control over Israel-Palestine so as to minimize these costs. The overall strategy was unilateral separation, which saw the creation of parallel geographies for Palestinians and Jews in the West Bank, with concrete walls and high fences penning in Palestinian towns and villages, and asphalt highways easing settler travel, as well as the evacuation of Gaza and the maintenance of uneven segregation inside Israel.

Beyond the thrust for separation, Israel’s moves were often confused. On the one hand, it allowed settlers to build new “outpost” settlements wedged between Palestinian population centers; accelerated the expansion of existing settlements; mounted a series of “anti-terror” offensives using state terror against civilians; constructed the massive illegal separation barrier in the West Bank and East Jerusalem; tightened the years-long siege of Gaza; and launched highly destructive invasions of the coastal strip as well as southern Lebanon. These moves found echoes in new discriminatory policies toward Palestinian citizens of Israel, whose political and civil status within the Jewish state was further compromised. [2]

On the other hand, Israel also made gestures toward Palestinian rights: It recognized the PLO, allowed the establishment of the Palestinian Authority and declared its support for Palestinian statehood, which only a decade previously was anathema to over 90 percent of Israeli Jews. Israel also retreated from the main Palestinian towns and cities, southern Lebanon and the entire Gaza Strip; evacuated settlements; enshrined previously denied Palestinian rights to purchase Israeli state land; and recognized ten (out of 45) previously “illegal” Bedouin villages in the Naqab desert. In surveys, a steady majority of Jews agrees, in theory, at least, that Palestinian citizens should have equal individual rights in Israel proper, and that Israel should conclude a peace with a newly established Palestinian state encompassing the majority of the Occupied Territories.

And yet — barring intense international pressure — these gestures do not provide a sufficient foundation for peace, because they are tactical and utilitarian, rather than strategic. They are evidence of conflict management, rather than a drive for reconciliation. Zionism remains a deeply ethnocratic movement, premised on a self-constructing narrative of an historical “right” to the entire Promised Land and the associated dispossession of Palestinians who object to the exclusivity of that right. Most Israeli Jews are accordingly unable to think productively about the core issues of the conflict, chiefly Israel’s role in the 1948 nakba. Denial of the nakba, as the Palestinians term their defeat in the 1948 war, the loss of their would-be state and the flight of refugees, has become a core Zionist value. Most Jews — officials, scholars and ordinary citizens — simply refuse to enter a discussion on the nakba, or alternatively justify it as “necessary,” thereby legitimizing the 1948 ethnic cleansing and the subsequent destruction of over 400 Palestinian villages and towns, and endorsing the continued “right” of Jews to colonize Palestine.

Thus blinded to the past, Israeli Jews cannot or will not look objectively at the present and future, whether regarding the Palestinian refugees, East Jerusalem, borders or the status of the Palestinians inside Israel. This avoidance is wrapped into Zionist discourse by continuous public invocation of (often genuine) communal fears in the face of anti-Jewish violence and the more radical, at times anti-Semitic, communiqués of Hamas and its allied organizations. These fears feed on ambient memories of the Holocaust, as well as distortion of Arab intentions toward Israel. In the end, avoidance and denial are what bestirred Israel to make both its sets of unilateral moves, the aggressive and the conciliatory, toward Palestinians on both sides of the Green Line.

Ethnocracy and Democracy

Apartheid conditions always develop on the basis of existing political and cultural foundations. In Israel, these foundations are the state’s long-standing ethnocratic regime and the associated racist treatment of Palestinians who stand in the way of the state’s program of Judaization.

Ethnocratic regimes are commonly found in contested territories in which a dominant ethnic nation appropriates the state apparatus to further its expansionist aspirations. Significantly, such regimes tend to keep in place democratic procedures that can be selectively applied to groups under their control. Being able to portray the regime as democratic is important for the legitimacy of the ethnocratic project in the eyes of the majority group as well as international circles. The democratic frame also allows minorities to mobilize politically and to enjoy substantial (if not equal) civil and political rights.

But despite their democratic features, ethnocratic states such as Israel are typified by ongoing subjection and exploitation of weakened groups, who invariably resist the order, often violently. This asymmetry tends to produce closely held identities and polarize the polity. Examples of ethnocratic regimes include Serbia, Estonia, Latvia, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Turkey, apartheid South Africa and nineteenth-century Australia. [3]

Despite its history of eviction, conquest and occupation, Israel is still considered democratic by politicians and the public, even in countries where Israel is routinely criticized. Even scholars critical of Israel use the term “Israeli democracy,” though often with qualifiers such as “imagined,” “ethnic” or “deeply flawed.” This tendency draws on the continuing illusion that Israel is an entity neatly contained within the Green Line, even though this very entity settles hundreds of thousands of Jews in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, and separates them legally and spatially from local Arabs.

The political system in Israel proper does maintain key democratic practices, such as periodic (though not universal or free) elections and protection of important civil rights such as freedom of speech, movement and association, relative (though far from complete) gender equality and homosexual rights. Israel boasts a strong, quite independent judiciary and relatively open media. Further, since the early 1990s, Israeli society has undergone significant liberalization, privatization and globalization, with greater exposure to international standards and influx of foreign investment. These processes have allowed Israelis greater economic and cultural freedoms, and enabled them to portray the nation as Western, free and progressive. [4] It is mainly Jews, however, who have benefited from these processes, while Palestinians remain either on the margins or locked out. In addition, the democratizing changes have not modified the most oppressive facets of the Israeli regime, such as the ongoing Judaization of land, the disenfranchisement of nearly 4 million Palestinians, the central role of the military and security forces, the Jewish-only immigration policies and the marginality of the 1.2 million Palestinian citizens.

Phases of Colonization

The historical momentum of Israel’s ethnocratic-colonial system is particularly important for the making of apartheid-type relations and requires some elaboration. The Zionist colonization of geographic Palestine has taken place in five main stages. The first, lasting from the late nineteenth century until 1947, can be termed the “colonialism of survival.” Most Jews who came to Palestine in these years were fleeing as refugees, from Eastern European pogroms, the mortal threat of Nazism and, then, the Holocaust. In Palestine, organized by Zionist groups and ideas, they expanded their area of settlement by purchasing land, often from absentee Arab owners, while forming proto-national institutions and armed forces, as foundations for a future state.

The second stage, during the 1947-1949 war, was characterized by ethnic cleansing. It saw the establishment of the state of Israel following the Arabs’ rejection of the UN partition plan and attack on the nascent Israeli polity. The war ended with Palestine conquered by Israel, Jordan and Egypt and the majority of Palestinians rendered homeless and stateless. 1948 was the watershed year shaping the Israeli regime, which is built to protect the military and demographic achievements of the 1948 war for Zionism, such as the seizure of Palestinian territory beyond the allocation of the UN partition plan, the expulsion of most of the land’s Arabs and the Judaization of vast tracts of land. Israel was accepted as a member state of the UN. The Palestinians became a fragmented and defeated nation, dispersed among six countries, unable to contest the Judaization of their homeland.

The third phase, from 1949 to 1967, was typified by “internal colonialism”: Most Palestinian villages now within Israel were destroyed, and the return of Palestinian refugees prohibited. At the same time, hundreds of thousands of Jews, mainly refugees or forced migrants from Europe and the Middle East, settled in hundreds of new Jewish settlements, some erected on the previously Arab lands. The Jewish settlement project was centrally planned with modern methods, not only to de-Arabize Palestine, but also to build the Zionist nation. Israel established a formal democracy, although its Palestinian citizens were concentrated in enclaves and placed under military administration until 1966.

The fourth phase from 1967 to 1993 was marked by external, expansionist colonialism. It followed Israeli conquest of Gaza, East Jerusalem and the West Bank, and saw a huge project of state-sponsored colonization. Over 100 Jewish settlements that today host nearly half a million Jews were built in breach of international law. The illicit settlements include those built in occupied Arab Jerusalem, which was partly and illegally annexed to Israel. Religious themes became central to the narratives of both nations, helping to justify the escalating violence. Much of the Jewish settlement was driven by the desire to “return to sacred sites” and Palestinians increasingly used Islamic rhetoric to fire their resistance. Within Israel proper, Judaization continued through the construction of dozens of semi-suburban Jewish housing tracts in predominantly Arab regions, with concomitant restrictions on building by Arabs.

The fifth and present stage, beginning with the 1993 Oslo accords, can be characterized as “oppressive consolidation” and marks the effective end of significant Zionist expansionism. Settlements are still being built in East Jerusalem and the West Bank, but the vast majority of Jewish population increase in the West Bank occurs in settlements of long standing. At the same time, bypass roads connect the existing settlements ever more closely to Israel proper, further “Israelizing” Jewish colonies. The wall-and-fence complex that has replaced the Green Line as the de facto border between Israel proper and the West Bank and the enormous terminals that have replaced checkpoints outside most Palestinian cities cast a mighty shadow over both Palestinian daily life, but in strategic terms, they are management techniques of the overall stalemate. Maximal separation (in Hebrew, hafrada) is the new logic. Both nations, not surprisingly, have become more polarized, and radical factions have risen. Hamas won the 2006 Palestinian legislative elections and violently took over Gaza in 2007. In Israel, two hardline Likud governments were elected, first in 2001 and then in 2009, and Orthodox Jews have become more influential in the country’s leadership and in the army.

And so it is not accidental that the term “apartheid” has entered the discourse about Israel-Palestine. The momentum of straightforward colonization — the conquest of Arab lands and expansion of Jewish settlements — has slowed, but the resulting stalemate is hardly acceptable to Palestinians, who resist in various ways. From the Israeli side, the attempt is to reduce the costs of its control while maintaining political and military superiority. It has chosen an undeclared system that resembles apartheid, a system of rule that aims to cement separate and unequal ethnic relations.

Master Types

But the definition of the Israeli regime is complicated by several factors, not least the mismatch between the territory under the state’s control and that within its internationally recognized borders. Creeping apartheid in Israel-Palestine is thus best described as a process, rather than a well-delineated system of government. The occupation of the West Bank and discrimination against the Palestinians there are considered by Israel, and to some extent by international law, as temporary conditions subject to the self-defined security needs of the occupier. At this point, with the occupation over 40 years old and the settlements being consolidated, these conditions are in total breach of international law. While Israeli elites and their apologists still resort to such manipulations, their legal and political power is waning.

For example, Jewish settlements in the West Bank — outside the state’s recognized sovereign territory — are both civilian and permanent. They cannot be understood as part of a temporary military occupation, as Israel still claims in legal forums. Why would Sharon and Netanyahu press for the “natural growth” of towns they view as ephemeral? The progress of the settlement project in the Palestinians’ midst shows that the indigenous residents have been unwillingly and unwittingly incorporated as third-class subjects of the regime. Israel’s ongoing interest in representing this situation as “temporary” derives from its “need” to avoid endowing West Bank Palestinians with full civil rights.

Further, in the fifth stage of ethnocratic colonization, apartheid practices are creeping back into Israel proper, albeit with lesser severity than in the first and second phases. In the first decade of the twenty-first century, as documented by Mossawa, Adalah and other human rights organizations in Israel, the state has promulgated a series of new restrictions upon the movements, personal freedoms, employment, land ownership and political rights of Palestinian citizens. There is openly racist talk of “punishing the Arab enemy,” redrawing borders for the purpose of “population exchange” (a code name for annexing settlements and, “in return,” excluding Arab towns near the West Bank border from Israel), and stripping Palestinians in Israel of their citizenship.

The creep of apartheid is most apparent to Bedouin Palestinians in the Naqab region, who struggle against constant threats to their localities on their ancestors’ land. As part of withholding recognition of land and residency rights, the state denies the Bedouin basic services such as water, electricity, roads and schooling. The state also refuses to recognize the Regional Council of Unrecognized Villages, elected by the Bedouin as a regional leadership. State violence is commonly used against the Bedouin, with 604 demolitions of unauthorized homes from 2001 to 2008. In some important respects, the plight of Bedouin in the unrecognized villages is worse than that of most of their brethren in the West Bank and Gaza.

The vagueness of the adjective “creeping” captures another definitional difficulty: the existence of legal and political differences between the various Arab areas under Israeli control. The West Bank is officially designated as under “belligerent occupation” and the Gaza Strip as “hostile territory,” while Israel proper is commonly called a formal democracy, where Palestinians hold equal individual rights under the law. But Israel itself ruptured the boundaries between these regions and hence undermined the fine distinctions of legal-political status. It has imposed Israeli law in the Jewish settlements whose jurisdiction now covers around 40 percent of the West Bank — an act of de facto annexation. Israel continues to control nearly all key components of sovereignty in the West Bank and Gaza, such as immigration, population registration, imports and exports, water management, transportation infrastructure, land and planning policies, foreign relations and investment. Simultaneously, Arabs inside Israel have become second-class citizens, de facto and de jure.

It is no longer possible to distinguish between different “regimes” in Israel-Palestine, as the entire space is ultimately controlled by the Jewish state. There are, however, gradations in rights and capabilities between Jews and Palestinians, and among various groups of Palestinians, which bring the process of creeping apartheid into focus. Israel officially ranks Palestinian groups and awards each a separate status according to a combination of ethnicity and location, while Jews, differences of class, color and religiosity notwithstanding, remain everywhere equal in civil status. Palestinians are classified as follows, in descending order of legal status: the Druze, many of whom serve in the army; Palestinians in the Galilee and “triangle” regions; Bedouin in the Naqab, the most under-privileged citizens; East Jerusalem Palestinians, non-citizen permanent residents who have yellow Israeli plates on their cars because they live in a city that Israel has partially annexed; Palestinians in the West Bank; Gazans; and refugees located outside Israeli-controlled territory who are denied their claims of residency and property rights by the regime.

The logic of Judaization underpins Israeli policies toward all these groups in unique ways, though the groups fall into two broad categories of citizens and non-citizens. The variations in legal standing and exposure to oppression and violence make a significant difference in Palestinians’ life opportunities, economic standing and ability to exercise rights.

To borrow the language of apartheid South Africa, Israel appears to have created three master types of civil status in the areas under its control: “white” (Jewish), “colored” (Palestinians with Israeli citizenship) and “black” (Palestinians in the Occupied Territories). Two brief examples will illustrate the point. Take, first, socio-economic status: The per capita gross domestic product of Israeli Jews in 2006 was about 15 times higher than that of Palestinians in the Occupied Territories, but also twice as high as that of the Palestinians in Israel. Unemployment in the Occupied Territories reached 50-60 percent, while hovering around 12-15 percent among Palestinians in Israel, and around half that figure among Jews. About three quarters of the Palestinians in the Occupied Territories live in poverty, as compared to some 53 percent of the Palestinians in Israel and 17 percent of the Jews.

Second, take the issue of planning and construction. In Area C of the West Bank, the territory that remains under direct Israeli administration by the terms of the Oslo agreement, only one of the 149 Palestinian villages has an approved outline plan, enabling the residents to build legally. Consequently, 1,626 houses were demolished from 2000 to 2008 and an additional 4,820 were served demolition orders. At the same time, half the Palestinian localities in Israel lack an approved plan and they, too, are constantly subject to house demolition. In 2000, according to an inter-ministerial committee headed by Shlomo Gazit, there were 22,000 unauthorized buildings in Palestinian localities in Israel’s central and northern regions and 16,000 in their Jewish counterparts. Arabs had suffered over 800 demolitions in the preceding decade, as opposed to only 24 for Jews. This disparity was also vivid in the Naqab, where Jews built 62 family farms with no planning approval. Despite the appeals of several human rights and environmental groups, all were retroactively legalized in 2009. At the same time, Bedouins in the Naqab who reside on their ancestors’ land suffered 604 home demolitions between 2000 and 2008.

Ghettoes…

Geography is vital because the creeping apartheid process relies heavily on a range of skewed settlement, land, development and boundary demarcation policies and regulations. Palestinians amount to 48 percent of the population between the Jordan and the Mediterranean, but control only 15 percent of the land, while Jewish groups and authorities, including the army, control the rest, including most parks, expanses of wilderness and natural resources. Inside the Green Line the inequality is even starker: Palestinians amount to 18 percent of the population but control less than 3 percent of the land. In 1947, Jewish individuals and institutions controlled only 5 percent of historical Palestine or 7 percent of what became Israel.

As a result, the Palestinians have been enclosed in “rough space” — an archipelago of ghettoes with their settlement system remaining nearly frozen since 1948. At the same time, Jews greatly expanded their living space and enjoy freedom of habitation, settlement and travel in the vast majority of the land. In its management of space, too, Israel-Palestine has been divided into three master types — “black,” “colored” and “white.” “Black” ghettoes, mainly in Gaza and the West Bank, are harshly policed, the residents confined by walls, checkpoints and periodic curfews. Physical and legal barriers also cut off the “black” ghettoes from each other, according to the desiderata of Jewish settlements and the military.

“Colored” ghettoes, where Palestinian citizens of Israel and most Palestinians of East Jerusalem reside, have more porous boundaries but also have major restrictions on land rights and development for the inhabitants. For example, Palestinians in Israel struggle to move out of their ghettoes due to limitations on their ability to purchase land and lack of educational, cultural and religious facilities elsewhere. The Arab areas are not only inferior in status to Jewish areas, but Israel also strives to prevent mixing of “black” and “colored,” as with the 2008 restriction on marriage between Palestinians from the Occupied Territories and those from Israel. Most boundaries, not least the Green Line, apply to Palestinians only.

In contrast, the “white spaces” where most Jews reside come in a variety of shapes and forms. Importantly, though, they are all situated within contiguous, “smooth” Jewish territory precisely because the state effectively Judaizes all spaces where Jews settle. They enjoy freedom of movement and similar rights. It is the uniform legal and geographical status of Jewish space between the river and the sea that effectively connects the variegated Arab spaces under the one regime. Jewish localities generate their boundaries from within, mainly for preventing the entry of Palestinians and, in some cases, “undesirable” Jews, such as working-class Mizrahim or the ultra-Orthodox. By law and practice, and with the backing of the army, Jews can reside and purchase land nearly anywhere in Israel-Palestine. This geography is the backdrop against which statements in support of Palestinian statehood appear particularly empty.

…and Beyond

In theory, the change of the political discourse to support Palestinian statehood has potential to move the political geography of Israel-Palestine toward peace and reconciliation. Close examination, however, reveals that Israel has so far acted to lend legitimacy to its strategy of consolidating control over the Palestinians. Jewish expansion appears to be ending, but in its place the confinement of Palestinians on both sides of the Green Line in ghettoes proceeds. The ensemble of new discourses and regulations has combined to create an order best described as creeping apartheid. This highly oppressive and internationally illegal order is, needless to say, replete with suffering and prone to outbursts of violence.

This predicament necessitates new thinking. How long, for example, can Israel stick to its legal argument that the occupation is “temporary,” without being declared an apartheid regime by the international community? This question is paramount.

There is a need as well to investigate the various types of apartheid regimes that deviate in detail, but not in principle, from what obtained in South Africa. It appears that the creeping apartheid in Israel-Palestine is based on ethnic, national and religious, but not “racial,” or skin color, categories. What political and moral difference does this entail? Does Israel resemble a Serbian model of apartheid more than the multi-racial South African one? And what difference does the existence of the state of Israel with its legitimate UN standing make for resolution of the conflict?

In addition, the intersection of identity and class is critical: What is the connection between apartheid-like forced separation and accelerating privatization and globalization of the economy in Israel-Palestine? What roles do the US and European economies and military industries play in this process? What are the consequences of Israel’s systematic import of foreign labor to replace Palestinians? How does the apartheid process feed on rapid accumulation of capital among small national elites? And, finally, is the ghettoization of the Palestinians effecting a parallel economic and political ghettoization of Israel itself in the Middle East?

One can imagine several visions that might resolve the predicament. The best appears to be an old one that was abandoned far too easily — socially progressive binationalism. There could be an Israeli-Palestinian confederation (based on two sovereign spaces, possibly leading to a federation) with an integrated economy, a joint capital city, open borders and fair accommodation of the Palestinian refugees. Discussions about these options have already begun in several arenas and are likely to pick up steam. They may sow the intellectual and political seeds of a genuinely just and peaceful future for this strife-torn land.

Endnotes

[1] Baruch Kimmerling, Politicide: Israel’s Policy Toward the Palestinians (London: Zed, 2005).
[2] See Oren Yiftachel, “The Shrinking Space of Ethnocratic Citizenship” in Joel Beinin and Rebecca L. Stein, eds., The Struggle for Sovereignty (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2006); and Oren Yiftachel, “Voting for Apartheid: The 2009 Israeli Elections,” Journal of Palestine Studies 38/3 (Spring 2009).
[3] See Oren Yiftachel and Asad Ghanem, “Understanding Ethnocratic Regimes: The Politics of Seizing Contested Territories,” Political Geography 23/6 (August 2004).
[4] See Uri Ram, The Globalization of Israel (Tel Aviv: Resling, 2008).

====================================================
https://www.academia.edu/20095222/Understanding_ethnocratic_regimes_the_politics_of_seizing_contested_territories

Political Geography 23 (2004) 647–676
www.politicalgeography.com
Understanding ‘ethnocratic’regimes:
the politics of seizing contested territories
Oren Yiftachel a, , As’ad Ghanem b
a Department of Geography, Ben-Gurion University, 84105 Beer-Sheva, Israel
b Department of Political Science, University of Haifa, Haifa, Israel
Abstract
The paper proposes a preliminary political-geographical theory of ‘ethnocratic’regimes. It
identifies such regimes as a distinct type, neither democratic, nor authoritarian. The paper
defines and illustrates the evolution and characteristics of ethnocratic states, and examines
their impact on ethnic relations and political stability. While these regimes represent themselves
as democratic, their main project promotes the ethnicization of contested territory
and power apparatus. Their logic, structure, features and trajectories are articulated and generalized,
especially as regards key dimensions such as: democracy, minorities, ‘ethno-classes’,
ethno-nationalism and religion.
Three examples of ethnocratic regimes—in Sri Lanka, Israel and Estonia—are briefly
described, analyzed and compared. On this basis, the paper constructs a tentative model,
identifying six ‘regime bases’as constituting a hegemonic regime core, including: immigration
and citizenship, land and settlement, the role of the armed forces, the legal system,
the flow of capital and public culture. These ‘bases’largely determine the character of
‘regime features’, such as party politics, elections, gender relations and the media. But the
hegemonic status of these bases is frequently challenged by groups marginalized by the
expansion and control of the dominant ethnos. These groups attempt to exploit the ‘cracks’
emanating from the state’s self-representation as democratic. The ceaseless ethnocraticdemocratic
tension typically results in chronic instability and prolonged ethnic conflict.
# 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Democracy; Ethnicity; Regime; Sri Lanka; Estonia; Israel; Palestine
Corresponding author. Tel.: +9728-6472011; fax: +9728-6472821.
E-mail address: yiftach@bgu.ac.il (O. Yiftachel).
0962-6298/$ – see front matter # 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.polgeo.2004.04.003
Introduction
The rapid transformation in the world political order during the last decade and
half has generated active debate on regime types in general, and democratization in
particular (see: Bermeo, 1997; Diamond, 2002; Harris, 2001; Huntington, 1997;
Linz & Stephan, 1996; Keating & McGarry, 2001). Yet, the academic discourse has
been unduly constrained by a binary democracy–non-democracy framework of
analysis. The emphasis by most western scholars on a formal–procedural definition
of democracy, on free markets and on various forms of constitutionalism, caused
many to overlook the persistence of an ethno-national ‘engine’of political change.
This has obscured the on-going existence, and recent proliferation; of a regime type
we term here—‘ethnocracy’.1
In this paper, we aim to address the deficiency by focusing on this type of
regime. We will define and illustrate a model of what we term ‘open ethnocratic’
regimes, and examine its impact on ethnic relations and political stability. Our
theoretical argument centers on the mechanisms of the regime, which explain both
the persistent patterns of ethnic dominance and its chronic instability. A related
theoretical contribution is the existence of ethnocratic regimes as a distinct identifiable
type, which promotes a central (political-geographical) project of ethnicizing
contested territories and power structures.
We contend that the logic, structure, features and trajectories of open ethnocratic
regime can be articulated and generalized, and that the model we proposed
below can frame a new understanding of politics and geography in many states
embroiled in protracted ethnic conflicts. Such understanding forms a necessary step
in managing the typically volatile inter-group relations of ethnocratic societies. In
this vein, the paper attempts to make a theoretical, conceptual and practical contribution
to the understanding of deeply divided societies, and to illustrate the
dynamics of ethnocratic regimes, by briefly comparing the relevant cases of Sri
Lanka, Israel and Estonia.
Scholarly settings
Our discussion focuses on regimes, which we define as frameworks determining
the distribution of power, values and resources. A regime reflects the identity,
goals, and practical priorities of a political community. The state is the main
vehicle for the regime, providing institutions, mechanisms, laws and legitimized
forms of violence to implement the projects articulated by the regime.
Ethnocratic regimes may emerge in a variety of forms, including cases of ethnic
dictatorships or regimes implementing violent strategies of ethnic cleansing, as
occurred in Rwanda, Bosnia and Kosovo by means of control and exclusion as
1 The term ‘ethnocracy’has appeared in previous literature (see Linz & Stephan, 1996; Little, 1994);
However, as far as we are aware, it was generally used as a derogatory term, with very little discussion,
or development into a theoretical model or concept, as formulated here.
648 O. Yiftachel, A. Ghanem / Political Geography 23 (2004) 647–676
happened in Sudan, pre-2003 Iraq or pre-1994 South Africa (Mann, 2000). In this
paper, however, we are interested in ethnocratic regimes, which represent themselves
as democratic, and uphold several formal democratic mechanisms, although
they still facilitate a disproportional and undemocratic expansion of the dominant
ethno-nation. They can thus be described as ‘open ethnocracies’. Examples of such
regimes at present include states such as Sri Lanka, Malaysia, Estonia, Latvia,
Serbia, and Israel, as well as past cases such as 19th Century Australia or Canada
until the 1960s.
Our analysis of ethnocratic regimes ‘converses’with a range of scholarly debates
and a number of disciplinary fields. We present below a combined political geography
and political science perspective, which seeks to contribute to debates on key
concepts such as nationalism (for key texts, see Brubaker, 1996; Hechter, 2000);
ethnicity (see Connor, 1994; Conversi, 2002), political regimes (Collier & Levitski,
1997; Linz & Stephan, 1996); political stability (Lustick, 1993; McGarry &
O’Leary, 1993, 1995), multi-cultural citizenship and the postcolonial condition
(Benhabib, 2002; Kymlicka, 2001). The knowledge accumulated in these fields
forms an important basis for our new formulations.
Ethnocracies: key components
We define ethnocracy as a regime facilitating the expansion, ethnicization and
control of contested territory and state by a dominant ethnic nation. ‘Open ethnocracies’,
on which we focus here, exercises selective openness: they possess a range
of partial democratic features, most notably political competition, free media and
significant civil rights; although these fail to be universal or comprehensive, and are
typically applied to the extent they do not interfere with the ethnicization project.
Given this selective and partial openness, open ethnocratic regimes cannot be
classified as democratic (as elaborated below). Neither they can be classified as
authoritarian, given their extent of political freedoms and openings, which far
exceeds the typical range characterizing such regimes (see Linz & Stephan, 1996).
The most striking differences between open ethnocracies and autocracies are:
(a) the real possibility of government change in most ethnocratic regimes, as
opposed to long-term dominance of one ruler or party typifying autocracies; (b)
the strong emphasis on ethnic loyalties as a foundation of politics, not found in
most autocracies.
The combination of democratic and ethnocratic features makes open ethnocracies
a particularly interesting, and not uncommon, case during the current age of
‘superficial democratization’( Zakaria, 1997). Instability is typically generated by
marginalized and oppressed minorities, who often use the partial openings granted
by the state to resist, mobilize and challenge the regime. But at the same time,
regime legitimacy is augmented by the introduction of democratic features, which
possess an appeasing effect on restive minorities. The ethnocratic–democratic tensions
in open ethnocracies thereby creates a high level of regime dynamism and
O. Yiftachel, A. Ghanem / Political Geography 23 (2004) 647–676 649
instability, found neither in more oppressive ‘closed’ethnocra cies, such as pre-2003
Iraq or Sudan; or in liberal democracies, such as Denmark or Sweden.
Structure
As elaborated elsewhere (see Yiftachel, 1999) ethnocratic states emerge from the
time–space fusion of three main historical-political forces: (a) settler-colonialism,
which may be external (into another state or continent) or internal (within a state)
(Lustick, 1993; McGarry, 1998); (b) ethno-nationalism, which draws on the international
legitimacy to national self-determination to buttress the political and territorial
expansionist goals of the dominant ethno-nation (Connor, 1994; Mann,
1999); and (c) a conspicuous ‘ethnic logic’of capital, which tends to stratify ethnic
groups through uneven processes of capital mobility, immigration and economic
globalization (Sassen, 1998; Soysal, 1994). These settings mean that ethnocratic
regime reflect, and at the same time reproduce, patterns of ethnic stratification and
discrimination. The parallel workings of these structural forces have shaped several
key regime characteristics—all enhancing the process of ethnicizing contested territory.
These are2:
. Ethnicity, and not citizenship, forms the main basis for resource and power
allocation; only partial rights and capabilities are extended to minorities; there is
a constant ethnocratic-civil tension.
. The dominant ethnic nation appropriates the state apparatus and shapes the
political system, public institutions, geography, economy and culture, so as to
expand and deepen its control over state and territory.
. Political boundaries are vague, often privileging co-ethnic of the dominant group
in the Diaspora, over minority citizens; there is no clearly identified ‘demos’.
. Politics are ethnicized, as the ethnic logic of power distribution polarizes the
body politic and party system.
. Rigid forms of ethnic segregation and socioeconomic stratification are maintained,
despite countervailing legal and market forces.
A central point is that in ethnocratic regimes, the notion of the ‘demos’ is
crucially ruptured. That is, the community of equal resident-citizens (the demos)
does not feature high in the country’s policies, agenda, imagination, symbols or
resource distribution, and is therefore not nurtured or facilitated. But the ‘demos’
forms the necessary basis for the establishment of democracy (‘demos-cracy’), and
as a foundation for the most stable and legitimate form of governance known
to human society. Needless to say, the concept of the demos is open to many
interpretations, as evidenced by the variety of federal, multi-cultural or unitary
state structures. Yet, the structural diminution of the demos by ethnocratic regimes
2 The characteristics are worded as assertions which may be subject to further theoretical and
empirical validation.
650 O. Yiftachel, A. Ghanem / Political Geography 23 (2004) 647–676
highlights their qualitative difference from the norms and practices of democratic
governance.
Notably, the ethnocratic model presented here is dynamic, depicting and interpreting
processes, rather than fixed reality, most notably ethnic expansion, and the
challenges and resistance it faces. One of our main arguments is the inherent instability
of open ethnocratic regimes, born out of the dynamism of societies embroiled
in ethnic territorial conflicts. Let us now explore further the structure of ethnocratic
regimes by elaborating on additional key dimensions, regarding territory,
religion and class.
Territory
Ethnocracies are driven, first and foremost, by a concerted collective project of
exerting ethno-national control over a territory perceived as the nation’s (exclusive)
homeland. The regime is thus propelled by a sense of collective entitlement
among the majority group to control ‘its’state, and ‘its’homela nd, as part and
parcel of what is conceived as a ‘natural’right for self-determination. But given the
perennial existence of multi-ethnic and multi-national territories, the imposition of
ethnic control over a mixed territory (and at times beyond) is likely to cause bitter
and protracted conflicts generated by rival claims for the same territory made by
other groups, typically those controlling the areas in different historical periods (see
Hakli, 2001; Murphy, 2002; Yiftachel; 2002).
While geographers and political scientists have compiled many studies of ethnic
politics and geographies (see Boal, 1987; Eyles, 1990; Peach, 1996), there has been
a relative paucity of studies linking questions of power, identity and ethnic conflict
to the dynamics of spatial expansion. Yet, the last years have seen several important
beginnings, with recent geographical studies beginning the task of systematically
describing, theorizing and offering critical evaluation of ethnocratic spatial
practices.
Penrose (2000a,b), for example, shows how the very structure of modern nationstates
(termed ‘nationalist democracies’) spawns societal projects, which ghettoize
and marginalize minority groups, and at the same time attempts to forcefully
assimilate them into the mainstream. Penrose theoretically and empirically exposes
the embedded contradiction between the claims of such states to be democracies,
and their systematic oppression of part of their citizenry
. . .systemic inequalities arise when the application of democratic principles is
constrained by the more fundamental need to demonstrate that the state represents
a single, coterminous nation. Accordingly. . . efforts to improve democracies
must begin with the assumption that the spaces and places in which this
ideology operates are not neutral. Instead, I suggest that [under the nationalist
order—OY] the context in which democratic principles are applied, and their
interpretation challenged, both produces and reflects ongoing, structural
unequal, power relations. (Penrose, 2000a,b: p. 35).
O. Yiftachel, A. Ghanem / Political Geography 23 (2004) 647–676 651
Likewise, geographers Paasi (1999, 2000), Herb and Kaplan (1999) and Murphy
(2002) provide detailed accounts on the historical evolution of the close nexus
between identity and territory as a fundamental basis for the existing dominant
political order. This nexus provides the normative ‘ideal’, and the political basis for
mobilization, which stand behind the making of the global nation-state order. Notwithstanding
recent processes of globalization and localization, which erode their
power, national states remain the main repository of political, violent and economic
power, especially as regards minorities.
Paasi (2000) elaborates on the principles and methods of state building, which
invariably include a quiet, hegemonic, process of ‘spatial socialization’, whereby
cultural norms, official cartography, military activity and education infuse the
taken-for-granted link of people to their exclusive ethno-national homeland. Sibley
(1996) and Sack (1993) address the phenomenon of territoriality, with Sibley adding
a critical psychological-spatial dimension by introducing the concept of ‘pure
space’, as a social desire apparent on all scales. This often contradicts with the dictates
of global capitalism, creating a spatial politics of difference, manifested perversely
and often brutally, in the planning and making of the built environment:
The built environment assumes symbolic importance, reinforcing a desire for
order and conformity. . . space is implicated in the construction of otherness and
deviancy. ‘Pure space’exp oses difference and facilitates the policing of
boundaries. . . This xenophobia is based. . . on a purified national identity; (it)
sits uneasily with the flows and cultural fusions, which are generated by global
capitalism. But the contradiction between a racist nationalism and the imperatives
of capitalist economies is denied. . . The myth of cultural homogeneity
is needed to sustain the nation-state. . . It is convenient to have an alien other
hovering on the margins (Sibley, 1996: pp. 106–108).
Based on these theoretical foundations, we can proceed to observe the process of
ethnicizing contested territory as involving several key steps: (a) structural segregation,
without which the expansion of the majority group would not be possible;
(b) the construction of minorities as a ‘threat’or ‘enemies’to the project of ‘purifying’ethnic
spatial control, embedded in the model of the national state, from
which ethnocratic regimes receive their ultimate internal, and at times international,
legitimacy; (c) the formulation of public policies and practices, in the field
of land, development and planning, which enhance ethnocratic spatial control; (d)
the structural, and hence enduring, discrimination of minorities in the fields of land
control, planning rights, development and access to decision-making powers.
The manipulation of ethnic political geographies is hence one of the most central
pillars of all ethnocratic regimes; that is, the ethnicization of political space. The
legal, political, cultural and demographic ‘bases’of the regime, as elaborated
below, all facilitate this collective goal. But the geographical process in which
ethnocratic regimes are enmeshed, also expose their long-term weakness: as shown
by the recent work of social and political scientists such as Brubaker (1996),
Gurr (2000), Mann (2000), McGarry (1998) and Hechter (2000), the process of
652 O. Yiftachel, A. Ghanem / Political Geography 23 (2004) 647–676
state-led ethnic territorial expansion may and marginalize minorities to such an
extent, that their resistance often generates serious threats to the regime, most commonly
on a regional or transnational scale. The remaking of ethnic geography is
also closely related to another key component of most ethnocratic regime—the
reigning of religion to advance the ethnic project.
Religion
While the main mobilizers of politics in ethnocratic states is definitely ethnonationalism,
in most cases, the ‘national’que stion is intimately involved with an
institutionalized and politicized religion, because the religion held by the dominant
majority is often an ‘ethnic religion’. This creates reciprocal relations, where religion
is influenced by contemporary ethnic and national struggles, while the nature of
the ethno-national struggle is, in turn, shaped by religious motives. The expansive
type of ethno-nationalism typical to ethnocracies is thus able to develop resilient
forms of internal legitimations, based on the mutual reinforcement of nationalism
and religion.
Examples of the intimate connection between religion and ethno-national segregation
are rife in ethnocratic states, and are evident in the cases of Sri Lanka (with
a major Buddhist–Hindu division), Israel/Palestine (Jewish–Muslim), Serbia (Eastern
Orthodox–Catholic), Northern Ireland (Protestant–Catholic), Estonia
(Lutheran–Russian Orthodox) and Malaysia (Muslim–Confutes). Yet, our analysis
of the ethnocratic model still points to the general subordination of religion vis-avis
ethno-nationalism. This is the reason our terminology and explanation stress
the ethnic and national ‘engines’of mobilization, through which religion assumes
its contemporary political and cultural potency.
Significantly, religious narratives, norms and practices enhance in most ethnocratic
societies the project of ethnic spatial expansion. This is mainly due to the
sanctification of space, common in areas of ethnic and religious conflict. This process
sees religious texts and norms reinterpreted so as to make the exclusive claim
to territory a matter of divine truth. This gives rise to a range of religio-spatial
practices on all major scales. On the urban level, as well illustrated by Shilhav
(1991), and Kong (2001) religious discourses constantly inform the making of
‘sacred urban spaces’. These may include neighborhoods and quarters where
enough religious people congregate, so as to elevated their religious customs to the
level of public norm. This relates to customs such as dress, eating, gender mixing,
content of signs and billboards, the aesthetic, vocal and physical prominence of
places of worship.
On regional and national scales too, religious practices, such as the demarcation
and celebration of sacred sites, the association of certain areas with religious miracles
or major mythical events, movements or wars, are coupled with ethnic claims
for that region or state as a homeland. These tend to effectively fuel the struggle
for exclusive territorial control. As shown by Stump (2000) and Akenson (1992),
religious narratives and goals in conflict situations are inherently spatial, with constant
mobilization to widen influence and control.
O. Yiftachel, A. Ghanem / Political Geography 23 (2004) 647–676 653
Winichakul (1994) and Smith (2002a,b) elaborate further on the impact of religion
on the national scale, by noting that the ‘layered’and ‘selective’hist orical interpretations
of many modern nations is commonly based on popular religious myths,
which emphasize ‘our’control over the land. Such selective collective memories are
then extrapolated into present day political territorial claims. Hence, the present
(often tacit) coalescence of religious leaders and discourses with the national framework
creates a process of sanctification of the entire state territory, which becomes
a complete and holy ‘geobody’, embodying, symbolizing and mobilizing the nation.
Hence, despite the putatively secular foundation of nationalism (Anderson,
1991), the histories, identities and boundaries of the dominant groups in ethnocratic
societies are never very far from their religious affiliation. The religious logic
is instrumental for most ethnocratic regimes by generating an essentializing discourse
of rigid political and social boundaries. The existence of such boundaries is
commonly justified in public opinion, in politics and the media as stemming from
divine or ancient roots, and is thus portrayed as ascriptive and insurmountable
(Smith, 1995).
The reinforcement of boundaries by nationalism and religion thus assists the
dominant and expanding ethnic nation to segregate and marginalize peripheral
minorities. Moreover, since ethno-nationalism is enmeshed in the definition of the
state, and since it often has clear religious undertones, the entry of marginalized
minorities to a ‘common good’de fined by the state is extremely difficult. The
regime can also use religion to create formal and informal differentiation between
citizens, where ‘objective’or ‘god-given’ religious criteria function as a basis
for discriminatory policies; in the allocation of resources, power and prestige
(Akenson, 1992).
But—significantly—the close association between ethnocratic regimes and
religious institutions is never totally congruent, because at a structural level, religion
and nationalism advance competing hegemonic projects. The first is structurally
bound to the state, and regards its development and power as a goal in itself. The
latter (religious institutions), however, promotes a competing regime of truth and
power, which holds a global or international ‘redemptive’vision, often ‘in waiting’
for the right historical circumstances. For religious movements, particularly of the
fundamentalist kind, control of state territory is never an end-state goal, but rather
a stepping stone towards a grander vision of broader salvation and control, which
may make the nation-state redundant (see Lustick, 2002; Stump, 2000).
Hence, religions such as Islam, Judaism, Buddhism and Eastern Orthodox Christianity—
found in most ethnocratic societies—also commonly hold uneasy relations
with their state governments. As shown below, in cases such as Sri Lanka and
Israel, the bands holding together the Statist and religious projects has been under
increasing strain, with religious forces, buoyed by the past support of the ethnic
state, now threaten to undermine their territorial, social and political stability.
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Ethno-classes
The power of religion and ethnic struggle tend to overshadow class politics in
ethnocratic societies, although socioeconomic considerations are still central in the
shaping of political struggle over resources. Typically, such considerations are
expressed indirectly by the politics of religion and ethnicity, with a general association
between poverty, religion and nationalism. But as noted above, ‘the ethnic
logic of capital’operate s constantly in ethnocratic societies, and puts in train
mechanisms, which generally result in persisting ethnic stratification. These
mechanisms include the ‘cultural division of labor’(Hechter, 2000), the flow of
international and domestic capital, which tends to favor the more educated groups,
the uneven pattern of urban and industrial development, the typically skewed distribution
of governmental assistance and incentives, and the tendency of capital to
avoid risks. All these combine to create a socioeconomic map, which tends to separate
ethnic groups, thereby fueling inter-ethnic tensions.
Consequently, we observe that politics in ethnocratic states operates on two
main and distinguishable levels: ethno-nations and ethno-classes (for a fuller discussion,
see Yiftachel, 1998). This begins with an ethnic logic of politics, which is
generated by the national struggle, where ‘our’e thnic nation is routinely elevated,
while rival groups are demoted (Connor, 1994). This logic is often diffused into
both majority and minority communities, bestowing legitimacy for the use of hierarchical
ethnicity as a political and distributive category, and causing various
forms of ethno-class divisions. Hence, ethnocratic regimes do not only promote the
dominance of a specific ethnicity, but also the general dominance of ethnicity as a
political and socioeconomic category.
The two levels of ethnicity operate with different social effects. Typically, the
ethno-national discourse attempts to unite the various groups in the nation (as
defined by the dominant group, barring ‘external’of ‘foreign’minor ities); while the
ethno-class logic tends to fragment groups within the nations according to their
socioeconomic status and/or regional locations (see Hechter, 2000). Needless to
say, there is never a clear-cut division between ethno-national and ethno-class stratifications,
but the analytical distinction helps us trace the central role of ethnicity
in both national and economic lines of demarcation, and account for its various
manifestations in the ‘thick’political struggles prevalent in ethnocratic societies.
Consequently, the contours of political mobilization and organization within
each ethnic nation often combines ethnic, religious and class affiliation. The patterns
of ethno-class stratification typical to ethnocracies has been explained and
elaborated elsewhere (see Stasiulis & Yuval-Davis, 1995). Its importance for the
present discussion is the inherent tension it exposes between the parallel projects of
nation- and state building, and the attention it draws to the material aspects of ethnic
struggle, frequently overlooked in recent scholarship on politics memory and
identities.
The tension between the use of ethnic and civil categories is highly evident during
the process of nation-building, which usually entails an active exclusion of groups
who are constructed as ‘external’by the prevailing discourse of the dominant
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nation, a status reified by a combination of legal measures, public policies and cultural
norms. The excluded are usually indigenous peoples or peripheral minorities,
but also collectivities marked as ‘enemies’or ‘foreigners’. Yet, at the same time,
these groups are incorporated (often coercively) into the project of state building.
The crises emanating from the process of ‘incorporation without legitimation’
(Mann, 1999; Soysal, 2000) is at the heart of the chronic instability experienced by
ethnocratic regimes, to be discussed further below.
The making of ethnocratic regimes: three illustrations
The following section will briefly illustrate the process of ethnicization in three
representative states—Sri Lanka, Estonia and Israel. The common politicalgeographical
elements emerging from these three examples will then assist to create
a more robust and refined model of the ethnocratic regimes, to which the following
sections are devoted.
As in all comparative analyses, there are obvious differences between the three
states, in history, economy, culture and geography. However, the main commonality,
which makes these cases comparable, is the institutionalization of an ethnocratic
project ‘within’a self-declared democratic setting. Hence, several important
democratic characteristics, such as separation of powers and elections, exist alongside
a state project of deepening ethnic control. This combination sets ‘open’ethnocratic
states, including the three following cases, apart from most other nationstates.
This point requires some elaboration. It is often claimed that most nation-states
advance a project of ethnic domination (see Brubaker, 1996), thereby diminishing
the distinctiveness of the ethnocratic type (see Smooha, 2002a,b). However, we
claim that there exists a qualitative difference between what Brubaker terms ‘nationalizing
states’, and between ethnocratic regimes. This difference lies in the deliberate
undermining of the political demos. As elaborated below, ethnocratic regimes
work ceaselessly to prevent the making of an inclusive demos—a community of
equal citizens within a definable territory. Instead—they use a rhetoric of the
nation-state, but do not allow minorities any feasible path of inclusion. Indeed, the
ethnocratic project is often constructed specifically against these minorities. There
is no attempt to assimilate ‘external’co mmunities of citizens, quite the contrary—
their identity is well demarcated and structurally marginalized.
Put differently, contrary to most nation-states, ethnocratic regimes actually work
against the project of universal citizenship. The universal project is of course
incomplete in most nation-state, and often involves oppressive policies and practices,
such as forced assimilation, discrimination or state-led economic stratification,
the state framework, de-jure, still leaves members of minority communities
an option of integration.
Ethnocracies, on the other hand, annul this inclusionary option. The state is constructed
so as to prevent the integration of minorities, typically through the rejection
of citizenship, limiting personal laws, restriction on immigration and land rights or
656 O. Yiftachel, A. Ghanem / Political Geography 23 (2004) 647–676
denial of accessibility to decision-making powers. This is a significant structural difference,
which sets ethnocratic regimes apart from most ‘normal’nation-st ates.
Hence, one may point to the zone on a continuum between actively exclusionary
and inclusionary regimes, as the ‘tipping zone’between democracy with an ethnic
bias, to ethnocracy. It is analytically difficult to sharply define this zone which may
concurrently contain contradictory movements towards democracy and ethnocracy,
as evident by the Israeli case below. However, when the political demos has been
fundamentally undermined by the state’s ethnocratic laws, policies and institutions,
the regime can be said to have crossed the ethnocratic threshold, as evident in Sri
Lanka. Estonia, on the other hand, appears to be moving across the tipping zone in
the other direction, from ethnocracy to democracy. The three brief cases outlined in
the following pages were selected to demonstrate the above processes.
The three cases were also chosen because of the different potential trajectories of
the ethnocratic project they display—from deterioration into an open ethnic war,
to the possibility of peaceful democratization. In Sri Lanka, deepening oppression
and intensifying minority resistance have led to a virtual collapse of state into a
protracted civil war. In Estonia, the opposite process of non-violent democratization
and gradual inclusion of the Russian minority has been gathering pace; while
Israel is caught between the conflicting logics of ethnicization and democratization.
Its relative openness and high standard of living, as well as the weakness of the
Palestinian-Arab minority, have so far halted the eruption of open ethnic conflict,
but it is positioned at a historical juncture of delicate fragility.
The different trajectories of political development are highlighted by the political
and cultural freedom index data, compiled by the Freedom House project
(www.freedomhouse.org). Estonia scores low on political and cultural freedoms
during the early 1990s (3 on both assessment, on a scale of 1–7, with 1 being most
free). But it significantly improves in the last few years, scoring 1 and 2, respectively
in 2003. On the other hand, Sri Lanka scored relatively well during the 1970s
with 2 on political freedom and 3 on cultural. The situation deteriorates during the
1990s, when Sri Lanka scores a very low pair of 4 and 5, only to improve slightly
during 2003, scores of 2 and 3. Israel remains relatively stable since the 1970s, scoring
around 2 on each count for the entire three decades. These three cases then
illustrate a wide spectrum of development possibilities apparent under ethnocratic
regimes.
Finally, it should be emphasized that we see the development of ethnic relations
and regime structure as dialectical. That is, state actions and majority politics in
ethnocratic states are informed and fueled by minority activity and mobilization.
While the dialectics are commonly asymmetrical (with the state having far more
power than marginalized minorities), the evolution of these regime cannot be
understood without acknowledging the role of minority mobilization, especially as
regards the use of violence and terror, and the articulation of dissenting, often
threatening, collective narratives.
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Sri Lanka: from biethnic democracy to Sinhalese ethnocracy
The island state of Sri Lanka (previously Ceylon) is composed of two main
ethno-national groups. Sinhalese, who are mainly Buddhist, make up 75% of
the state’s 19 million inhabitants. Tamils, who are mainly Hindu, make up 18%.
Sri Lanka gained its independence from Britain in 1948, after an anti-colonial
struggle dominated by the Sinhalese groups, but shared by Tamils, as well as other
small ethnic groups on the island. However, in the decade following independence,
the state gradually turned towards a Sinhalization strategy. This orientation intensified
due to Tamil resistance and an ensuing process of ethnic polarization.
Sri Lanka was formed as a democratic state, with formal institutions and
governing procedures following, initially, the Westminster model (Little, 1994). But
in later years, the Sri Lankan state was gradually appropriated by the Sinhalese
community, mainly due to its demographic advantage and strong sense of ethnonationalism
(de Silva, 1996; Uyangoda, 1994). The Sinhalese used their dominance
in the legislative, judiciary and executive arms of government to advance an
explicit Sinhalization process. As declared in 1983 by the Sri Lankan development
minister (Nissan, 1996: p. 176):
Sri Lanka is inherently and rightfully a Sinhalese state. . . this must be accepted
as a fact and not a matter of opinion to be debated. By attempting to challenge
this premise, Tamils have brought the wrath of the Sinhalese on their own
heads; they have themselves to blame.
This approach found expression in several key policies and programs, beginning
in the 1950s with the adoption of religious Buddhist state symbols, which denote,
in the Sri Lankan context, a purely Sinhalese affiliation. Another major step was
taken in 1956 when Sinhalese was declared the only official state language. The
state’s official culture was also developed around a series of Buddhist ‘‘invented’’
histories, symbols and values, glorifying the link between Buddha and the Sinhalese
‘guardians’of ‘his’ island (Little, 1994), and glorifying the images of the Sinhala
nation as the indigenous ‘sons of the earth’, and hence the only rightful
owners and controllers of the state (Uyangoda, 1994).
A further aspect of the Sinhalization strategy was evident in Sri Lanka’s
citizenship policies. Over a million long-term Tamil residents who migrated to the
island during the period of British rule, mainly as plantation workers, have been
denied citizenship as part of the Sinhalization approach, by being officially classified
as ‘Indian Tamils’. This forced large sections of this community to leave the
island and settle in India during the 1950s and 1960s. Many from this group who
remained on the island have remained to date. The Sinhalese majority has thus
managed to contain the size of the Tamil community, and reinforce geographical
and political intra-Tamil cleavage between ‘Indian’an d ‘Sri Lankan’Tam ils. Geographically,
Indian Tamils mainly reside in the central heights, while Sri Lankan
Tamils inhabit the island’s northern and eastern regions. Politically,
the disenfranchised Indian Tamils became totally dependent on the Sinhalese
regime for basic rights and services, and hence remained politically immobilized.
658 O. Yiftachel, A. Ghanem / Political Geography 23 (2004) 647–676
Consequently, Indian Tamils have rarely participated or assisted in the militant
resistance staged by Sri Lankan Tamils against the Sinhalizing state.
The island’s ethnic geography has also been the main cause of another notable
ethnocratic policy—the Sinhalization of contested space. The British rulers had
already encouraged the Tamils to immigrate into Sinhalese areas, breaking a centuries-
long tradition of (mainly voluntary) spatial separation. Likewise, the
Sri Lankan government encouraged Sinhalese to settle in the island’s central and
eastern regions, which previously were dominated and claimed by Tamils as part of
their ‘own’regions .
This has been most evident in the large-scale Mahaweli irrigation and settlement
project carried out predominantly during the 1970s and 1980s (Roded, 1999). The
project opened up large tracts of agricultural land in the island’s central and northeastern
regions, which were offered mostly to landless or impoverished farmers. By
1993, 1.1 million people (the vast majority Sinhalese) were resettled in these
regions, creating a new Sinhalese regional lower-class collectivity and exacerbating
the conflict with the Tamils, who considered the region as part of their historical
‘Elam’homela nd (Peiris, 1996).
Subsequently, the regions in question became a destination for large-scale (and
mainly unauthorized) Tamil counter-settlement. As the two populations increasingly
intermingled in competitive settings (largely as a result of settlement initiatives
like the Mahaweli project), antagonism and discrimination against the
minority deepened, intensifying the breakdown of social and political order since
the early 1980s.
The civil (ethnic) war, which has dominated the Sri Lankan state since the early
1980s, has brought to the fore the military as a major agent in the Sinhalization of
contested space, and the reinforcement of Sinhalese dominance in Sri Lankan politics.
The army gradually extended state (that is, Sinhalese) control north and eastwards,
confining the resisting Tamil groups to the Jaffna Peninsula, at the state’s
northeastern end. It has also caused a major internal refugee problem, with some
550,000 residents losing their homes during the fighting, 78% of them Tamils (de
Silva, 1996). During the same time, a series of emergency and ‘security’legi slation
reduced the protection of Tamil citizens against arbitrary state oppression
(Uyangoda, 1994). A parallel constitutional move increased the powers of a popularly
elected president at the expense of the previously powerful legislature. Finally,
in 1978, several Tamil parliamentarians were disqualified on the basis of ‘acting
against the Sinhalese state’, reducing the already limited Tamil political power
(Little, 1994).
The accumulating alienation of Tamils from the Sri Lankan state drove many of
them to boycott the political process altogether. From 1978 until 2001, the
majority of Tamils boycotted the Sri Lankan elections and only rarely participated
in other state affairs. The state, on its part, did little to induce the Tamils back into
the political arena until 1987, when further constitutional reforms attempted to
ease ethnic tensions by decentralizing state authority and granting autonomy to
regional authorities. However, the Tamils did not accept the plan that was prepared
without their participation, claiming that: (a) it compromised their drive for
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self-determination, and (b) it legitimized the ‘unlawful’Sinhale se domination of the
eastern regions (Nissan, 1996). Further, the state maintained ultimate control by
classifying ‘national projects’that could bypass the proposed decentralized forms
of decision-making (Gunasekara, 1996).
The Sinhalization strategy generated widespread Tamil resistance. The Tamils
initially struggled for territorial-political autonomy within the Sri Lankan state,
but following the state’s ethnocratic policies, began a campaign to reinstate their
vision of Tamil Elam—an independent Tamil state. Tamil disengagement from the
state further polarized the two groups, culminating in increasing inter-communal
mistrust, Tamil withdrawal from state politics and eventually the breakout of a
civil war. The fighting, which had been fluctuating since 1982, reached a peak of
widespread inter-ethnic violence during the mid-1990s, and exacted a toll of 70–
80,000 casualties, most of them civilians.
Only in 2002 was a ceasefire declared, when the Tamil leadership agreed to
return to negotiations after the Sinhalese promised serious constitutional amendments
and made a more genuine attempt to include the Tamils in devising a new,
highly devolved state structure. However, during late 2003 and early 2004, following
serious negotiations between the government and the LTTE for substantial
Tamil autonomy, Sri Lanka was thrown into a deep political crisis. The ensuing
elections of April 2004 returned to power the United People’s Freedom Alliance,
traditionally opposed to a federated Sri Lankan state. At the same time, a major
split occurred in the LTTE. These developments appear to usher another period of
political instability and ethnic conflict.
The case of Sri Lanka illustrates well the emergence of ethnocracy and
the inherent tensions between formal democratic procedures and a parallel state
project of ethnicizing contested spaces and political institutions. It also demonstrates
the inability of an ethnocracy to be sustained for the long term, and its need
to structurally reform in order to survive as a state.
Estonia: from communism to (democratizing?) ethnocracy
The independent Estonian state re-emerged during the collapse of the Soviet
Union in the 1989–1992 period. It is situated on the Baltic Coast, and has a population
of 1.5 million, of whom 65% are ethnic Estonians, 14% Russians with citizenship
and 25% non-citizen residents (mainly Russian speaking) (EHDR, 2000).
The new polity was formed as a result of an anti-Soviet (and by implication anti-
Russian) struggle, which followed five decades of often-brutal Soviet rule. It has
since adopted an explicit program of Estonization (de-Russification), designed to
reinstate the ethnic and national situation existing during a previous period of
independence 1918–1939). During that period, ethnic Estonians dominated the
state—politically, demographically, economically and culturally. The Soviet Union
subsequently promoted a process of Russification and encouraged Russian immigration
to Estonia, thereby threatening Estonian demographic and cultural dominance
in their homeland.
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Since official independence was declared in 1992, state building has assumed ethnocratic
characteristics. For example, in 1992, the Estonian parliament (Riigikogu)
decided not to grant citizenship to ‘non-ethnic’Estonia ns. It classified them as
‘aliens’, thus excluding them from the 1992 referendum on a new constitution.
Estonian state policies in the 1989–2000 period clearly aimed to ensure the political,
territorial and cultural dominance of ethnic Estonians by focusing on
citizenship, culture, language and land.
In 1992, Estonia adopted the new Constitution, according to which the bearers
of the supreme power are ‘the people’(that is, the citizens; art. 1). The constitutional
preamble contains a clause obliging the state to ensure the preservation
of the (ethnic) Estonian nation and culture. Courts have actively referred to this
preamble in a variety of rulings on citizenship and property matters.
Hence, the new Constitution includes special clauses concerning the priority of
ethnic Estonians, Estonian culture and language (Ruutsoo, 1998: p. 176). Every
Estonian is entitled to preserve his/her national identity, but no special minority
rights are recognized by the Constitution. Some state symbols are of purely ethnic
character (e.g. flag, anthem, stamps and official letterheads). The state holidays
include Protestant sacred days, not Russian Orthodox. There is no State Church in
Estonia, but the majority of ethnic Estonians are (Protestant) Lutheran, and Estonian
nationalism is widely associated with a Lutheran way of life, as an antithesis
to the Orthodox Russian influence. During the Communist years, the population
became largely secular, but since the return of Estonian nationalism as a legitimate
ideology, the church has increased markedly its public profile (www.estonica.org).
The issue or citizenship (and by association culture and language) has been most
central to the Estonization project. The Citizenship Law of 1992 (amended 1995)
granted citizenship to all pre-1940 citizens and their descendants and prohibited
dual citizenship. Because in 1940, the state was 92% ethnic Estonians, this law
actually granted superior citizenship rights to ethnic Estonians (in and outside the
state) over the state’s own Russian residents.
The law sets a difficult path for acquisition of citizenship by non-Estonians,
including long-term state residents who previously had full (Soviet) citizenship
rights and are now considered ‘aliens’. Such ‘aliens’ are required to reside in Estonia
for at least five years, pass demanding language tests, prove command of the
Estonian constitution, have a steady income, establish permanent residency and
pledge allegiance to the state and its (ethnic) character (The Aliens Law, 1989;
2000; Human Rights Watch, 2000).
The ethnicization strategy is also evident in Estonia’s language policies, which
have reinforced the imposed dominance of the Estonian language in most spheres
of life, including education, street signs and government services. This dominance
was deepened by a new language law, introduced in 1989 (and amended in 1995,
1999 and 2000), which demoted Russian to the status of a ‘foreign’languag e,
similar to dozens of other languages used by immigrants and minorities. The
requirements of the new law severely restricts the public usage of any language
except Estonian. For example, ‘foreign’language s are prohibited in all street and
commercial signs, and all TV broadcasts must have Estonian subtitles. Estonian is
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the compulsory language in the parliament and local councils, for state employees
and for government dealings in both public and private sectors. The only exception
is minority language usage in territories where they form a majority, but this is
implemented in a very restrictive manner.
In 1993, the Riigikogu enacted a new law for Cultural Autonomy of National
Minorities (Estonian Government, RT 1993, 71,1000). But the law defined a minority
as consisting of citizens only. Thus, the state did not recognize special rights
of the vast majority of the non-Estonian population. Previously, the Soviet Law on
National Rights allowed minorities full enjoyment of certain rights obtainable
through special autonomous organs and under the supervision of the State.
Ethnicizat