05.11.2020
Editorial Note
IAM often reports on Israeli political activists who are masquerading as academics.
One such radical political activist is Hebrew University lecturer Dr. Maya Rosenfeld. Palestine Media Watch (PMW), which follows Arab media, emailed her a report discussing the PA leaders’ double standards. While the PA rejects any normalization with Israel, Saeb Erekat, the PA’s chief negotiator who fell ill with Covid-19, has chosen to be treated in an Israeli hospital.
In response, Rosenfeld wrote to the PMW, telling them: “You do not deserve to be counted as human beings, as part of mankind. If there existed a place like hell, I would have wished you to burn in hell.”
Rosenfeld’s reaction is not surprising since she is essentially a political activist with a scant publishing record, whose syllabi are propaganda mouthpieces for the Palestinians.
She teaches a course which reviews “the prolonged Israeli occupation over the West Bank and Gaza as a system of military, economic and political control. It examines the cumulative impact of the occupation regime on socio-economic conditions in the West Bank and Gaza in general, and on specific sectors and segments of Palestinian society in particular, over the course of more than four decades.” The students learn “To describe the central systemic components of the Israel’s military occupation over the West Bank and Gaza Strip” and “To assess the long term impact of Israel’s military occupation on Palestinian economy, society and politics. Students also learn about “The acquisition of education under Israeli occupation: assessing the impact of military intervention, surveillance and control.”
IAM received a complaint by one student, saying, “I am a student at the Hebrew University and this year I am studying in the course ‘Palestinian National Movement’ under lecturer Maya Rosenfeld. The lecturer teaches us in a clearly tendentious one-sided way. I would be happy if you could refer me to information that would allow me to hear the other side, in order to ask the lecturer questions enabling students to hear the other side. Thanks in advance.”
This has been going on for years. Clearly, already in 1981, when Rosenfeld was a student at the Hebrew University, she became an activist in the left-wing student group “Campus”. As reported by Ha-olam Ha-zeh, when clashes erupted between Arab and Jewish students, Rosenfeld supported the Arab students. It is well-known that many of today’s radical academics were political-activist students. In particular, Ha-Olam ha-Zeh was notorious, as described by Jacob Shavit, TAU Professor of History, in 1987, “From 1957 on, Ha-Olam ha-Zeh became the main forum for the Palestinian concept – that is, the concept which recognized the right of the Palestinian people to establish a sovereign state – and a defender of the PLO.” Rosenfeld was the perfect match to push for the Ha-Olam ha-Zeh agenda. Worth noting that during the Palestinian Uprising in 1988, the Progressive List for Peace published a memorandum paper promoting the Palestinian agenda.
Similarly, in her recent Haaretz article, Rosenfeld describes the United States and Brazil presidents as “enemies of the human race.”
Clearly, Rosenfeld subscribes to the notion that Israel can do no right while the Palestinians can do no wrong.
In her article, “What is Israel afraid of?” in 2018, Rosenfeld argued that civil protest is what worries Israel most, not Palestinian violence. She wrote, “There are few scenarios that frighten Israel more than the continuation of the mass civil protest in Gaza, its spread to the West Bank and its turn into a comprehensive popular uprising against the occupation. Once civil unrest gains momentum and sets its own territory and agenda, it will draw into it hundreds of thousands from all walks of life, members of both sexes and all ages, and can no longer be stopped, neither by firing squads, nor by tank shells, nor by aerial bombardment. Nor through the permanent U.S. veto in the UN Security Council.”
Rosenfeld is a typical political activist identifying with the Palestinian struggle. She does not acknowledge Palestinian violence against Israel and only sees the Palestinian “popular struggle.” For example, her 2017 article, “What is the Israeli government afraid of?” discusses Palestinian prisoners’ hunger strike, which “At the political level, it strives to initiate a comprehensive (unarmed) popular struggle against the Israeli occupation and to promote internal Palestinian national reconciliation.”
In her 2016 article “Regime in the Darkness,” she discussed the Palestinian prisoner Bilal Kaid who served 14.5 years in Israeli prison. Rosenfeld did not acknowledge that Kaid, a member of the PFLP military branch arrested in 2002, was sentenced for two counts, for attempted murder, as he took part in two shooting attacks. As the judge noted in his July 2016 verdict: “Kaid never stopped his activities in the organization, but rather served as leader of the PFLP prisoners in Megiddo Prison, acting to promote the organization’s objectives in prison… His actions are deeply militaristic, and were it not for the respondent’s arrest, he would be free to complete these acts [of terror].”
The rector of the Hebrew University had rightly denounced Rosenfeld for cursing the PMW. However, he could have taken the opportunity to look at why the University has been employing a person with a scant academic record who uses her position to serve as one of the most ardent pro-Palestinian activists. Her students receive a one-sided education, and the taxpayer is subsidizing an outspoken critic of the state.
https://palwatch.org/page/18327
- Hebrew University Rector “strongly denounces” message as “completely unacceptable”
A lecturer who teaches at Hebrew University responded to a recent PMW report with the following curse sent by email:
“You do not deserve to be counted as human beings, as part of mankind. If there existed a place like hell, I would have wished you to burn in hell.”
The curse was sent to Palestinian Media Watch by Dr. Maya Rosenfeld from her Hebrew University email address.
Rosenfeld cursed PMW in response to PMW’s exposure of the PA’s hypocritical behavior, which causes significant suffering to the Palestinian population by prohibiting them normalization with Israel. Yet the PA permits its top official Saeb Erekat to receive medical treatment by Israeli doctors in an Israeli hospital, while the same has been denied ordinary Palestinians because it is “normalization.”
While everyone is entitled to his or her own opinions, no one should be spewing out evil hate speech and curses at people they disagree with.
It is unclear whether Rosenfeld’s curse was meant only for PMW’s senior analyst Nan Jacques Zilberdik who wrote the report, or whether Rosenfeld wishes for the entire PMW staff to “burn in hell,” (- of course only if hell existed, as Rosenfeld pointed out.)
While Rosenfeld’s curse directed at PMW is horrifying, it is all the more disturbing if this behavior is reflective of Rosenfeld’s treatment of students who express opinions different from hers in the classroom. If so, this is a tragic environment for the Hebrew University.
PMW notified the university of Rosenfeld’s curse of PMW and received the following response from Prof. Barak Median, Rector of the Hebrew University:
Dear Mr. Marcus and Mrs. Zilberdik,
Thanks for bringing this matter to our attention.
We strongly denounce the message sent by Dr. Rosenfeld to Mrs. Zilberdik. It is completely unacceptable to use such a language.
Needless to say, the message does not represent in any way the Hebrew University, and it stands in contradiction to our policy and what we stand for.
Dr. Rosenfeld is an adjunct teacher at the Hebrew University, and she used the HUJI email address as a private person. We are inquiring into this matter and we will respond according to the results of our inquiry.
Best, Barak Medina, Rector
PMW also contacted Rosenfeld, asking for her response. At the time of writing PMW has not received any response from Rosenfeld.
https://palwatch.org/page/18327
Lecturer at Hebrew University curses PMW: “You do not deserve to be counted as human beings, as part of mankind. If there existed a place like hell, I would have wished you to burn in hell.”
PMW | אוק 28, 2020
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https://palwatch.org/page/18303
PA’s “Animal Farm”: No to normalization for regular Palestinians; Yes to normalization for PA leaders who need treatment in Israeli hospitals
Nan Jacques Zilberdik | Oct 21, 2020
- Even visiting the Al-Aqsa Mosque is presented as unacceptable “normalization”
The PA has been just as adamant about not allowing any normalization with Israel as the animals in Orwell’s Animal Farm were about the need for animals to stick together against humans who were “the only real enemy.” But as happened in Orwell’s classic when the pigs decided they were superior and granted themselves rights that they refused the other “equal” animals, so too PA leaders are happy to have normal relations with Israel when it comes to themselves, while refusing and even condemning ordinary Palestinians for having any normalization with Israelis at all. Indeed, in the PA – as on Orwell’s farm – “some are more equal than others.”
Despite the PA’s cessation of all cooperation with Israel and nullification of all agreements, and its refusal to accept over 3 billion shekels that Israel has collected in tax money on its behalf – thereby bringing immense suffering to millions of Palestinians – the PA’s chief negotiator Saeb Erekat is able to enjoy “normal” relations with Israel, choosing an Israeli hospital for his current treatment for the coronavirus disease.
In response to visitors from the UAE and Bahrain to the Al-Aqsa Mosque who arrived via Israel rather than through the PA as a result of the recent peace agreements, PA Prime Minister Muhammad Shtayyeh complained that it was “very unfortunate” that the Arab delegations had entered “through the Israeli gate.”
Hypocritically, Shtayyeh said this the day after the PA had let Erekat enter through the Israeli hospital gate! That wasn’t apparently “unfortunate” at all:
PA Prime Minister Muhammad Shtayyeh: “One enters the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque through the gate of its owners, and not through the gate of the occupation. It is very unfortunate that a number of Arab delegations are entering through the Israeli gate, at a time when the entry by worshippers to the mosque is prevented.”
[Facebook page of PA Prime Minister Muhammad Shtayyeh, Oct. 19, 2020]
Similarly, Spokesman Osama Al-Qawasmi of Abbas’ Fatah Movement complained that the Arab delegations had not entered “through the true gate, which is Palestine,” and stated that entering “through the gate of Tel Aviv contradicts reason and is unnatural.”
However, for the PA it apparently seems both reasonable and natural that Erekat should get treatment in an Israeli hospital. That isn’t considered “an attack on the Palestinian people”:
“Fatah Movement Revolutionary Council member and [official] Fatah Spokesperson Osama Al-Qawasmi said: ‘We have invited and still invite the Arabs and Muslims to pray at the Al-Aqsa Mosque through the true gate, which is Palestine… Al-Qawasmi added that visiting the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque and Jerusalem through the gate of Tel Aviv contradicts reason and is unnatural. He added that this constitutes direct support for Israel and its false narrative; normalization with the entity that stole Al-Aqsa Mosque, Jerusalem, and Palestine; and an attack on our Palestinian people.”
[Official PA daily Al-Hayat Al-Jadida, Oct. 20, 2020]
Palestinian Media Watch has documented this PA double standard in the past when top PA/Fatah official Jibril Rajoub enjoyed the PA’s Animal Farm and received medical treatment in Israel at a time when the PA had announced it had ended all medical treatment for Palestinians in Israel and was refusing even transit permits for Palestinian children from Gaza being treated for cancer in Israeli hospitals.
Fatah also posted this cartoon mocking the visitors from the UAE and Bahrain to the Al-Aqsa Mosque who entered through Israel:
Persian Gulf Arabs on their way to the Dome of the Rock and the Al-Aqsa Mosque in the Old City of Jerusalem having arrived via Israel, symbolized by a massive army boot with a Star of David on it, which has “Welcome” written on it in English.
Posted text: “A visit by a delegation from the [Persian] Gulf to the Al-Aqsa Mosque under the protection of the occupation soldiers.
#Normalization_is_treason”
Text on cartoon: “A visit by a delegation from the [Persian] Gulf to the Al-Aqsa Mosque”[Official Fatah Facebook page, Oct. 19, 2020]
The following are longer excerpts of the statements above:
Headline: “Al-Qawasmi: We heartily welcome worshippers at the Al-Aqsa Mosque [who enter] through the gate of Palestine, not of Tel Aviv”
“Fatah Movement Revolutionary Council member and [official] Fatah Spokesperson Osama Al-Qawasmi said: ‘We have invited and still invite the Arabs and Muslims to pray at the Al-Aqsa Mosque through the true gate, which is Palestine, because this constitutes support for our cause, Jerusalem’s Arab identity, and its status in the eyes of all the Muslims.’
In a statement yesterday [Oct. 19, 2020], Al-Qawasmi added that visiting the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque and Jerusalem through the gate of Tel Aviv contradicts reason and is unnatural. He added that this constitutes direct support for Israel and its false narrative; normalization with the entity that stole Al-Aqsa Mosque, Jerusalem, and Palestine; and an attack on our Palestinian people.”[Official PA daily Al-Hayat Al-Jadida, Oct. 20, 2020]
Video posted on the Facebook page of PA Prime Minister Muhammad Shtayyeh; the video shows Shtayyeh’s speech at a PA government meeting on the morning of Oct. 19, 2020
Video:
PA Prime Minister Muhammad Shtayyeh: “The Kingdom of Bahrain’s signing an agreement yesterday [Oct. 18, 2020] to establish full diplomatic relations with the occupation state gives a free prize to this occupation (see note below –Ed.). It whets [the occupation’s] appetite to gnaw away and annex additional territories and establish additional colonies, and it is increasing the challenges that the Palestinian people is dealing with in order to be redeemed, to be liberated, and to establish its independent Palestinian state. It is unfortunate that some of the [Arab] brothers are no longer aiding us against the occupation, which is harming our people, our land, and our religion…
One enters the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque through the gate of its owners, and not through the gate of the occupation. It is very unfortunate that a number of Arab delegations are entering through the Israeli gate, at a time when the entry by worshippers to the mosque is prevented.”[Facebook page of PA Prime Minister Muhammad Shtayyeh, Oct. 19, 2020]
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Editorial: Weak-kneed at Hebrew University
In the spirit of the times, it’s enough to send a letter of protest or write a Facebook post to make events discussing the occupation disappear
Haaretz Editorial, 15 May 2017
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem claims it canceled an upcoming conference entitled “Fifty Years of Israeli Occupation and Palestinian Opposition: Where the Prisoners’ Movement is Headed,” because of logistical problems. But it is not unwarranted to suspect that the university, in the spirit of the times, bowed to right-wing pressure.
Members of a student association called “Israelis” at the university, identified with the Habayit Hayehudi party, proved what is already known: It is enough to send a letter of protest or write a post on Facebook to make events discussing the occupation disappear.
The conference, which was scheduled before the Palestinian prisoners began their hunger strike, was to have been an academic event with findings presented from a study by Dr. Maya Rosenfeld, a research fellow at the university’s Harry S. Truman Research Institute for the Advancement of Peace. Rosenfeld is studying the Palestinian prisoners’ movement and its impact on politics in the territories. Other scheduled speakers were Ashraf al-Ajrami, a former Palestinian Authority prisoner affairs minister; Radi Jarai of Al Quds University, a member of the board of the Abu Jihad Museum for Prisoner Movement Affairs; and Dr. Fahed Abu Alhaj, also of Al Quds U.
“Between Independence Day and Jerusalem Day, when we celebrate independence and the liberation of Jerusalem and parts of the homeland, the Hebrew University in Jerusalem and the Truman Institute for Peace are organizing a conference with supporters of terrorism under the heading ‘50 years of occupation.’ … So leave aside the fact the ‘occupation’ is a mistaken term according to international law and a word with very clear political connotations. The very holding of the conference legitimizes support for terror under the whitewashed term ‘prisoners,’” stated the Facebook post made by the “Israelis.”
Hebrew University has now proven that it adopts the anti-democratic position of the government, which is working to place opposition to the occupation, and even discussion of it, beyond the pale.
Unfortunately, this is not an isolated case. The University of Haifa prohibited the distribution of a flier by the Hadash party’s student group because it referred to “ethnic cleansing that villages and cities underwent in ’48”; about a year ago, Ben-Gurion University’s president, Prof. Rivka Carmi, overturned a decision by the Department for Middle East Studies to grant the Berelson Prize for Jewish-Arab Understanding to the soldiers’ anti-occupation group Breaking the Silence, because “the organization is not in the national consensus and the award of the prize could be understood as political bias.”
Even if Hebrew University manages to overcome the “logistical problems” and set a new date for the conference, the cancellation is a warning sign. Intellectual courage and devotion to free thought and spirit must guide the conduct of the universities. The price they will pay by surrendering to threats, direct or indirect, will be much greater. “Extortion payment” is not worth the irreversible damage that this does to an institution’s good name.
==================================================
https://shnaton.huji.ac.il/index.php/NewSyl/56575/2/2018/pdf/
Syllabus
Palestinians in the Occupied Palestinian Territories and
the Diaspora: History Society Politics – 56575
Last update 03-09-2017
HU Credits: 2
Degree/Cycle: 1st degree (Bachelor)
Responsible Department: political science
Academic year: 0
Semester: 1st Semester
Teaching Languages: Hebrew
Campus: Mt. Scopus
Course/Module Coordinator: Maya Rosenfeld
Coordinator Email: maya.rosenfeld@mail.huji.ac.il
Coordinator Office Hours: Wednesdays 13:00-14:00
Teaching Staff:
Dr. Maya Rosenfeld
page 1 / 12
Course/Module description:
This course traces the social and political history of the Palestinians since the 1948
war. The impact of four key factors is examined in detail: 1) Palestinian
displacement, refugee existence and UN intervention on behalf of Palestine
refugees 2) regime policies of the Arab “host” countries vis a vis the Palestinian
refugees 3) Israel’s prolonged military occupation over the West Bank and the Gaza
Strip, and 4) the emergence and development of the Palestinian national
movement.
Accordingly, the course is roughly divided into four parts: starting with the
commencement of the Palestinian refugee problem in the aftermath of the 1948
War, the first part analyzes the seventy year old intervention of the international
community, in particular that of the United Nations Works and Relief Agency for
Palestine Refugees (UNRWA), on behalf of Palestine refugees and underscores the
major consequences of this intervention for four generations of refugees. The
second part discusses the considerably divergent legal, social, economic and
political statuses of Palestinian refugees in three Arab “host” countries, Lebanon,
Jordan and Kuwait (up till the expulsion of Palestinians from this country in1991),
each of which represents a different regime type. It then underscores the impact of
variant regime policies on the social structure and social history of Palestinian
refugee communities.
The third part of the course reviews the prolonged Israeli occupation over the West
Bank and Gaza as a system of military, economic and political control. It examines
the cumulative impact of the occupation regime on socio-economic conditions in the
West Bank and Gaza in general, and on specific sectors and segments of Palestinian
society in particular, over the course of more than four decades. The fourth part
traces the stages of development of the Palestinian national movement in the
Diaspora and Palestine since 1948, with a focus on the post 1967 emergence of the
PLO and with special emphasis on the occupied territories-based branch of the
national movement, the first Intifada, and its long-term consequences. The
concluding discussion will provide a concise overview of the major trends of
development within the Palestinian national movement since the Oslo Accords and
establishment of the PNA in 1994, including a brief examination of the second
Intifada, the rise of Hamas and the major divide that currently dominates
Palestinian political life.
Course/Module aims:
The aim is to expose the students to central issues in the social and political
history of the Palestinians since the 1948 war and to provide them with systematic
knowledge and deep understanding of these topics.
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Learning outcomes – On successful completion of this module, students should be
able to:
a) To elaborate on the major factors that affected the social history of the
Palestinians since the 1948 war.
b)To review the origins of the Palestinian refugee problem and to analyze the
development of international intervention on behalf of Palestine refugees
c)To provide an overview on the situation of Palestinian refugees in the Arab “host
countries”.
d)To point at central stages in the development of the Palestinian national
movement since 1948 and discuss the main features of each stage.
e)To describe the central systemic components of the Israel’s military occupation
over the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
d)To assess the long term impact of Israel’s military occupation on Palestinian
economy, society and politics
Attendance requirements(%):
Attendance is required.
Teaching arrangement and method of instruction: Lectures
Course/Module Content:
Introduction (most of the first meeting): Palestinians in the West Bank, Gaza Strip,
Israel, and the Diaspora since 1948: Basic historical, demographic, social and
political data.
Refugeeness, dispersal, life in exile: major aspects (approximately four meetings,
including the first meeting):
a. Palestinians and Jews under the British Mandate
b. The UNSCOP Report and the UN Partition Plan
c. The 1948 War: the immediate implications for the Palestinians.
d. The international community, the UN, UNRWA and the Palestinian refugees from
a perspective of six decades.
e. The acquisition of education and the transformation of the social profile of second
and third generations of Palestinian refugees.
f. Palestinian “human resources” in the Middle Eastern economy: migration of the
professionally educated to the Gulf.
g. The legal-political-social status of Palestinian refugees in three Arab “host”
countries: citizens in Jordan, foreigners in Lebanon, migrant laborers in Kuwait.
f. Trends in the politicization of Palestinian communities up to the 1967 War:
page 3 / 12
Between Arab and Palestinian nationalism.
Palestinian Society in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip under Israel’s Military
Occupation (between three and four meetings)
a. The 67 War, Arab defeat and the occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip
buy Israel: some direct implications for the Palestinians.
b. The Israeli occupation as a system of military, political and economic control: a
review of the mechanisms.
c. The Israeli land grab and settlement policy and the transformation of the West
Bank topography.
d. The political economy of military occupation: selective opening of the Israeli labor
market to Palestinian laborers and de- development in the Palestinian territories.
e. Palestinian day laborers in the Israeli labor market: a four decade perspective.
f. Theories of under-development and dependency: are they applicative to the case
of the occupied Palestinian territories?
g. The acquisition of education under Israeli occupation: assessing the impact of
military intervention, surveillance and control.
h. Higher education under occupation and the development of the Palestinian
universities as national institutions.
i. Obstacles to social mobility of the highly educated under occupation.
The development of the Palestinian national movement in the Diaspora and in the
occupied territories from the 1967 War to the Oslo Accords (approximately three
meetings)
a. From the banner of Arab unity to particular Palestinian nationalism: the rise of
Palestinian guerilla organizations in the wake of the Arab defeat in the 1967 War.
b. The institutional development of the Palestinian national movement: the
reorganization of the PLO (1968-9) and its ascendance to the stance of unifying
organization representative of Palestinian national aspirations.
c. The consolidation of the infrastructure of the Palestinian National movement in
Lebanon (1969-1982) and its aftermath.
d. The shift in the PLO’s political strategy and the implications: the acceptance of
the “Ten Points Program” by the Palestinian National Council (PNC) in June 1974 and
the embracement of the “Two State Solution” by the PNC in November 1988 as
major milestones.
e. From clandestine cells to popular committees: the course of development of the
Palestinian national movement in the occupied territories between 1967 and 1987.
f. The first Intifada: a popular, unarmed Palestinian uprising against the Israeli
military occupation in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
g. The international community and the first Intifada: the convening of the Madrid
Conference in the shadow of the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the Gulf
War.
From Oslo to the Second Intifada and beyond (brief overview, between one and two
page 4 / 12
meetings)
a)The signing of the Declaration of Principles (DoP), “Oslo I” and “Oslo II”, the
establishment of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA), and the persistence of
Israeli military control over the Palestinian territory.
b) Major institutional and political developments under the PNA.
c) The second Intifada and beyond: the failure of the Camp David Summit (July
2000); Israeli policy since October 2000; assessing the patterns of intervention by
the international community since October 2000 and their consequences. d) The
Hamas Fatah Divide and recent attempts at reconciliation
Required Reading:
Bibliography
Please note that most of the items in the bibliography are not specified as required
reading.
Abed, George ed. (1988) The Palestinian Economy: Studies in Development Under
Prolonged Occupation (London: Routledge).
Aronson Geoffrey (1996) Settlements and the Israel-Palestinian Negotiations: An
Overview (Washington, DC: Institute of Palestine Studies).
Aruri Naseer, and Samih Farsoun (1980) “Palestinian Communities and Arab Host
Countries,” in The Sociology of the Palestinians, ed. Elia Zureik and Khalil Nakhleh
(London: Croom-Helm): 112-146.
Aruri, Naseer ed. (2001) Palestinian Refugees: The Right of Return (London: Pluto
Press).
Baumgarten, Helga (2005) “The Three Faces/Phases of Palestinian Nationalism,
1948-2005,” Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 34, No. 4, pp. 25-48
Benvenisti, Meron (1984) The West Bank Data Project: A Survey of Israel Policies
(Washington and London: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research).
Benvenisti, Meron (1987) West Bank Data Project 1987 Report: demographic,
economic, legal, social and political developments in the West Bank (Jerusalem: the
Jerusalem Post).
Brand, Laurie (1988) Palestinians in the Arab World (New York: Columbia University
Press).
Brynen, Rex (1991) Sanctuary and Survival: The PLO in Lebanon (Boulder & San
Francisco: Westview Press).
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https://shnaton.huji.ac.il/index.php/NewSyl/38055/2/2020/pdf/
Syllabus
Palestinian social and political history since 1948 –
38055
Last update 14-09-2019
HU Credits: 4
Degree/Cycle: 1st degree (Bachelor)
Responsible Department: Islamic & Middle East Stud.
Academic year: 0
Semester: Yearly
Teaching Languages: Hebrew
Campus: Mt. Scopus
Course/Module Coordinator: Dr. Maya Rosenfeld
Coordinator Email: maya.rosenfeld@mail.huji.ac.il
Coordinator Office Hours:
Teaching Staff:
Dr. Maya Rosenfeld
page 1 / 6
Course/Module description:
The course explores the social and political history of the Palestinians starting from
the late years of the British mandate in Palestine and the 1948 war and ending in
the second decade of the twenty first century. The impacts of five key
developments and factors on this history are examined in detail: 1) Palestinian
displacement, refugee existence and UN intervention on behalf of Palestine
refugees 2) Regime policies of the Arab “host” countries vis a vis the Palestinian
refugees 3) The prolonged Israeli military occupation over the West Bank and the
Gaza Strip, and 4) The emergence and development of the (post 1948) Palestinian
national movement 5) The Oslo plan, its failure and the thwarting of the
independent Palestinian state.
Course/Module aims:
to be added later
Learning outcomes – On successful completion of this module, students should be
able to:
to be added later
Attendance requirements(%):
Teaching arrangement and method of instruction:
Course/Module Content:
to be added later
Required Reading:
ביבליוגרפיה
Aruri, Naseer ed. (2001) Palestinian Refugees: The Right of Return (London: Pluto
Press).
Baker, Abir and Anat Matar eds. (2011) Threat: Palestinian Political Prisoners in
Israel (London: Pluto Press)
Baumgarten, Helga (2005) “The Three Faces/Phases of Palestinian Nationalism,
1948-2005,” Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 34, No. 4, pp. 25-48
page 2 / 6
Brynen, Rex (1991) Sanctuary and Survival: The PLO in Lebanon (Boulder & San
Francisco: Westview Press).
Cobban, Helena (1984) The PLO: People, Power and Politics (London: Cambridge
University Press).
Dakak, I. (1983) “Back to Square One,” In Scholch Alexander, ed. Palestinians over
the Green Line (London: Ithaca Press)
Freedman, Robert O. ed. (1991) The Intifada (Miami: Florida International University
Press).
Frisch, Hillel (1990) “From Armed Struggle Over State Boarders to Political
Mobilization and Intifada within It.” Plural Societies, Vol. 19, No. 2 and 3.
Al-Hout Shafiq (2011) My Life in the PLO: the Inside Story of the Palestinian Struggle
(London and New York: Pluto Press).
Giacaman George and Dag Jorund Lonning, eds. (1998) After Oslo: New Realities,
Old Problems. (London: Pluto Press).
Gordon, Neve (2008) Israel’s Occupation (Berkeley CA: University of California
Press).
Gresh, Alain (1985) The PLO: The Struggle Within (London: Zed Books).
Groth, Allon (1995) The PLO’s Road to Peace: Processes of Decision-Making
(London: Royal United Institute for Defense Studies).
Hammami, Rema and Salim Tamari (2000) “Anatomy of Another Rebellion,” Middle
East Report 217.
Hammami, Rema and Jamil Hilal (2001) “An Uprising at a Crossroads,” Middle East
Report 219.
Hasso, Frances (2005) Resistance, Repression, and Gender Politics in Occupied
Palestine and Jordan (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press).
Hilal, Jamil (1993) “PLO Institutions: the Challenge Ahead,” Journal of Palestine
Studies 23, 1.
Hilal, Jamil (2006) Hamas’s Rise as Charted in the Polls 1994-2005,” Journal of
Palestine Studies 35, 3: 6-19.
Hilal, Jamil (2010) “The Polarization of the Palestinian Political Field,” Journal of
page 3 / 6
Palestine Studies Vol. 39, No. 3 (Spring 2010), pp. 24–39.
Hiltermann, Joost (1991) Behind the Intifada (New Jersey: Princeton University
Press).
Hunter, Robert F (1991) The Palestinian Uprising (Berkeley: University of California
Press).
Kazziha, Walid (1975) Revolutionary Transformation in the Arab World (London:
Croom Helm).
Khalidi, Rashid (2006) The Iron Cage: The Story of the Palestinian Struggle for
Statehood (New York: Beacon Press).
Khalidi, Rashid (1997) Palestinian Identity: The Construction of Modern National
Consciousness (New York: Columbia University Press).
Khalidi, Rashid (1986) Under Siege: PLO Decision-making in the 1982 War (New
York: Columbia University Press).
Khatib, Ghassan (2010) Palestinian Politics and the Middle East Peace Process
(London and New York: Routledge).
Kimmerling, Baruch, and Joel Migdal (2003) The Palestinian People: A History
(Cambridge, Mass. Harvard University Press).
Klein, Menachem (2007) “Hamas in Power,” Middle East Journal 61, 3: 442-59.
Lockman, Z.and J. Beinin eds. (1989) Intifada (A MERIP Book) Toronto: Between the
Lines).
Muslih, Muhammad (1990) “Towards Coexistence: An Analysis of the Resolutions of
the Palestine National Council” Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 19, No. 4.
Muslih, Muhammad (1988) The Origins of Palestinian Nationalism (New York:
Columbia University Press).
Owen, Roger (1985) “Migrant Workers in the Gulf,” The Minority Right Group,
Report no. 18 (London: MRG).
Pearlman, Wendy (2011) Violence, Nonviolence and the Palestinian National
Movement (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
Peteet, Julie (2005) Landscape of Hope and Despair (Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press).
Peteet, Julie (1991) Gender in Crisis: Women and the Palestinian Resistance (New
York: Columbia University Press).
page 4 / 6
Quandt, William (1971) Palestinian Nationalism: Its Political and Military Dimensions
(Santa Monica: Rand Corporation).
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סילבוסהתנועה הלאומית הפלסטינית מ 1948- עד ימינו: שלבים ותמורות -56049תאריך עדכון אחרון 01-09-2020נקודות זכות באוניברסיטה העברית: 2תואר:בוגרהיחידה האקדמית שאחראית על הקורס:מדע המדינהסמסטר:סמסטר א’שפת ההוראה:עבריתקמפוס:הר הצופיםמורה אחראי על הקורס (רכז):מאיה רוזנפלדדוא”ל של המורה האחראי על הקורס: maya.rosenfeld@mail.huji.ac.ilשעות קבלה של רכז הקורס:יום שלישי -13:30 14:15מורי הקורס:ד”ר מאיה רוזנפלד1 / 10
תאור כללי של הקורס:הקורס מתחקה אחרי התפתחות התנועה הלאומית הפלסטינית מאז מלחמת 1948 ועד לתקופההנוכחית תוך שימת דגש מרכזי ביסודות החברתיים המזינים את הפעולה הפוליטית- הלאומית ומניעיםאותה, מזה, ובמערכות יחסי הכוח המגבילות אותה, מזה. הדיון בסוגיות שייבחנו במסגרת הקורסמתבסס על ספרות מחקרית ענפה ממספר דיסציפלינות אקדמיות ובהן היסטוריה, סוציולוגיה,אנתרופולוגיה ומדע המדינה.לקורס שלושה חלקים החופפים שלוש תקופות משנה עיקריות בתולדות התנועה. הראשון נושא אתהכותרת: ” בסימן ריבוי זרמים: מגמות בלאומיות הפלסטינית בין שתי מלחמות, מה”נכבה” (ב 1948- )ועד ל”נכסה” הכישלון הערבי במלחמת 1967 ). הפרק מוקדש לניתוח השפעות השבר והטלטלהשידעו הפלסטינים בעקבות מלחמת 1948 והקמת מדינת ישראל על מוביליזציה פוליטית-לאומיתבקרבם. הפליטות, הפיזור במספר מדינות ערביות “מארחות”, שינויים באורחות החיים, התפשטותההשכלה, הכפפה לדיכוי פוליטי מחד, וחשיפה לאידיאולוגיות פוליטיות וחברתיות רדיקליות, מאידך,ידונו כגורמי רקע המסייעים להסביר את נהייתם המוגברת של פלסטינים אחר התנועות, המפלגותוהמסגרות המהפכניות שפעלו באותה התקופה בעולם הערבי. דוגמא מובהקת למגמה זו היא מקומםהבולט של פלסטינים בשורותיה ובהנהגתה של “תנועת הלאומיים הערביים”, אשר נשאה את דגלהלאומיות הכלל ערבית והמאבק במשטרים הערביים הריאקציוניים. רק מעטים נמשכו באותם ימיםללאומיות הפלסטינית המובחנת (פרטיקולארית), אותה הובילה תנועת פתח.כותרת החלק השני של הקורס הינה: “בסימן המאבק להגדרה עצמית תחת ההגמוניה הפוליטית שלאש”פ: מעליית ארגוני הגרילה הפלסטיניים העצמאיים (אחרי מלחמת 67 ) ועד להתקוממות עממיתלאומית נגד שלטון הכיבוש הישראלי (האינתיפאדה הראשונה 1987-92 )”. חלק זה מתמקד בהפיכתהשל התנועה הלאומית לתנועת המונים (התרחבות הבסיס החברתי והתשתית המוסדית של התנועה),בהתבססות מעמדו של אש”פ (הארגון לשחרור פלסטין) בקהילות הפזורה הפלסטינית, העולם הערביובזירה הבינלאומית כארגון הגג המייצג של העניין הפלסטיני, ובמרכיבים השונים והמשתנים של המאבקהפלסטיני להגדרה עצמית בגלות ובשטחים הכבושים. תמורות אלה נבחנות על רקע התבוסה הערביתבמלחמת 67 ושקיעת הלאומיות הפן-ערבית, הכיבוש הישראלי המתמשך בגדה המערבית וברצועת עזהוהשפעתו על התנאים הכלכליים והמבנה החברתי בשטחים אלה, עליונותה הצבאית המוחלטת שלישראל וסירובה להכיר באש”פ, יחסי התנועה הלאומית ואש”פ עם המשטרים הערביים, ומעורבותהמעצמות (ארה”ב וברה”מ) בסכסוך הישראלי-פלסטיני.חלקו השלישי של הקורס נושא את הכותרת: “בסימן הקמת רשות לאומית פלסטינית בעלת סמכויותמוגבלות, התחדשות העימות האלים מול ישראל, והפיצול הפוליטי הפנים פלסטיני: מהסכמי אוסלו ועדכינון שלטון חמאס ברצועת עזה”. פרק זה מבקש לספק הצצה אל בעיות עכשוויות הניצבות בפניהתנועה הלאומית הפלסטינית בשני העשורים האחרונים, ובפרט, אי מימושו של חזון המדינה העצמאיתבגדה המערבית ורצועת עזה, והעמקת הקיטוב והיריבות בין כוחות פוליטיים מנוגדים. בעיות אלהשזורות זו בזו: חתימת הנהגת אש”פ וממשלת ישראל על “הסכם אוסלו” (“הצהרת העקרונות”,ספטמבר 1993 ) לוותה בהתנגדות מצד הכוחות האסלאמיים (בהובלת חמאס) והבליטה את העדרושל קונצנזוס פנים פלסטיני סביב המהלך. חוסר ההסכמה התפתח לכדי יריבות קשה בין הרשותהפלסטינית לבין האופוזיציה האסלאמית לנוכח ההישגים המעטים שהניב “מתווה אוסלו” לפלסטיניםבשנים 1994-2000 . היריבות החריפה לכדי משבר (ששיאו בפיצול לשתי “רשויות”) על רקע קטיעתהתהליך המדיני מאז אוקטובר 2000 וסיכול הקמתה של מדינה פלסטינית עצמאית בגדה המערביתורצועת עזה. מטבע הדברים, רוב הסוגיות שתעלינה במסגרת פרק זה מתייחסות לתהליכים שטרםנחתמו או הוכרעו ולפיכך הן בחזקת שאלות פתוחות שהמחקר האקדמי בעניינן נמצא בהתהוות.2 / 10
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