21.07.22
Editorial Note
The Israeli Coordination of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT) published on February 20, 2022, new procedures for entry and stay of foreigners to the West Bank. The document appears in Hebrew and English.
The Hebrew document explains that in the 1990s, as part of the Interim Agreement between the Palestinians and Israel, the “responsibility was partially transferred to the Palestinian Authority to allow the entry of foreigners into the Judea and Samaria area. A visitor’s permit is issued by the PA, with the approval of the Israeli side. In those days, the Interim Agreement left powers in the hands of the Israeli side, stating that foreigners from countries that maintain diplomatic relations with Israel would also be able to enter Judea and Samaria through a valid entry visa to Israel. Relocating to Judea and Samaria with an Israeli visa is the responsibility of the IDF, which operates in coordination with the Population and Immigration Authority in the Ministry of the Interior.”
The document also states, “The implementation of the procedure is subjected to the security situation and the policy of the Israeli government, which it examines and changes from time to time.”
The document discusses all types of entry requests for journalists, businesspersons, and students. It also discusses lecturers and researchers in higher education wishing to work in Palestinian universities.
For them, two types of visas are available:
The first is for “Lecturers and guest researchers” who come for “Conferences, seminars and semester courses.” The Academic requirement is at least a Master’s degree. The duration of the visa will be determined according to the duration of the academic activity and up to 5 months in the case of a semester course. At the end of the visa period, the foreigner leaves the area, and if he wishes to return, he will be able to submit a new application for this type of visa at least nine months after his departure date. In the case of a semester course, it is impossible to approve a period exceeding the length of one course in a calendar year.
The second type of visa is for “Outstanding lecturers and researchers in required subjects.” This criterion is designated for a limited number of 100 outstanding researchers.
The application shall be approved if it has been proven to the satisfaction of COGAT that the “lecturer has a significant contribution to academic education, the region’s economy or the promotion of cooperation and regional peace.” The academic should hold at least a doctorate. The visa will be issued for one year and renewable for a period not exceeding 27 months. If the term of office of an outstanding lecturer or researcher exceeds 27 months, he will submit a new application after departure, provided that the total period of stay does not exceed five years.
From the procedures, it is possible to understand that COGAT is concerned that foreign academics invited to Palestinian universities are mostly involved in political activism. It seems the procedures aim to prevent this.
However, many in Israel objected to the new procedures. Amira Hass, the pro-Palestinian Haaretz journalist, published a complaint against the new procedures in March, stating that “Israel will permit Palestinian institutions of higher education to employ lecturers from overseas only if they teach in fields that have been designated as essential by Israel, and only if the lecturers and researchers are accomplished and possess at least a doctorate, according to a new set of procedures by the Defense Ministry.”
In June, a letter was addressed to Ghassan Alyan, the head of COGAT, from the Weizmann Institute, signed by Prof. Daniela Goldfarb, Chairman of the Scientific Council, and Prof. Maya Schuldiner, Deputy Chairman of the Scientific Council, on behalf of the Scientific Council of the Weizmann Institute of Science (which includes all the professors at the Institute). Soon after, the General Assembly of the Hebrew University also sent a similar letter.
The two letters that are almost identical state as follows:
“We believe that academic institutions have the right to determine which areas will be studied and researched and who are the lecturers who will do so within the framework of academic freedom. There is no room for the intervention of the military government in the fields of study and research and to decide on the academic skills of researchers. There is no security consideration that justifies such an intervention since, in any case, it is clear that all lecturers, researchers, and students need to obtain personal entry clearance from the security agencies.” The letter state that “The General Assembly of the Hebrew University discussed the matter at the University Senate meeting on June 22 and approved a request to change the procedure so that the military government does not interfere in the academic considerations of choosing research areas, the identity of lecturers and their number in various institutions, but only security considerations.”
In late June Israeli newspaper YNET also published an article warning that the regulations might cause a surge in BDS.
Likewise, Prof. Neve Gordon, a pro-Palestinian activist, published an article on Al-Jazeera last week, claiming that “Palestinian universities are under attack once again.” For him, the procedures “grant the Israeli Ministry of Defence and thus, the military, absolute power to determine how many and which foreign academics and students can visit.” Gordon complained that “a permit under this section will be approved if it is demonstrated, to the satisfaction of the authorized [military] official, that the lecturer contributes significantly to academic learning, to the area’s economy, or to advancing regional cooperation and peace.”
Gordon stressed that “under the new ordinance, the Israeli authorities will not only determine who can or cannot teach in Palestinian universities but will also restrict the time foreign academics can reside in the West Bank to one semester, which ensures that foreign professors will no longer be able to become permanent members of the academic staff at any of West Bank’s institutions of higher education.”
According to Gordon, during the Intifada of 1987, Israel, “Seeing the prominent role students and graduates took on during the first Intifada, Israel swiftly learned its lesson and began imposing severe restrictions on Palestinian universities. Birzeit University, for instance, was practically closed year-round from 1988 to 1992. All of the other universities also faced long-term closures.”
Gordon also referred to the letter of the Hebrew University General Assembly decrying that it “accepts the basic assumptions informing Israeli rule over Palestinians: the legitimacy of one ethnic group dominating another ethnic group, and the use of laws and official policies to sustain and enhance that domination.” For Gordon, Israeli academics are “probably more concerned about their own academic standing among their international peers. They are aware of the Palestinian Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement, and particularly the threat of an international boycott of Israeli academic institutions due to their complicity with Israeli apartheid. It is likely that in their eyes this letter distances Hebrew University from the government’s policies, and absolves them of any blame. Indeed, reading the letter carefully, Hebrew University’s complaint sounds more like an effort to protect its own reputation than support Palestinian universities. While criticizing a particular policy proposal, the university implies there is a possibility that academic freedom can exist under an apartheid regime. Thus, the letter does not challenge the structures of domination. Rather, it serves as a shield against those calling for an academic boycott on Israeli universities.”
Gordon ends by stating, “Today, Palestinian universities are facing yet another attack. As they work to try and preserve something that at least resembles academic life under a brutal apartheid regime, they deserve real solidarity – not attempts by privileged academic institutions to save their own reputations.” Gordon concluded.
Coincidentally, Birzeit University appointed Professor Beshara Doumani as President, from the academic year of 2021/2022. Before moving to Birzeit University, Doumani has hosted a number of anti-Israel guest lecturers, including Gordon at Brown University.
Clearly, both Gordon and the Israeli academics of the Hebrew University and Weizmann Institute do not consider the security concerns.
Worth noting that Hamas is trying to take over the West Bank. Arguably, it is only with the help of the Israeli security forces that this is not happening. For example, there have been recurrent violent incidents on campuses between rival Palestinian factions, according to journalist Khaled Abu Toameh. The violence at Birzeit University was the latest in a series of incidents that hit other leading academic institutions in the West Bank. Palestinian Authority security forces arrested several Birzeit University students on suspicion of involvement in the violence. A Palestinian academic described the tensions on campus as “dangerous and intolerable… We can’t allow our academic institutions to turn into battlefields for settling scores between rival factions and gangs… We call on the Palestinian Authority to assume its responsibilities and take tough measures to enforce law and order.” The tension at Birzeit University began in December 2021, when a fight erupted between students affiliated with Fatah and others belonging to Hamas and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP).
Meanwhile, on June 29, 2022, COGAT announced an update regarding the Judea and Samaria area entry and stay of foreigners, that it has ordered to postpone the implementation date of the procedures until the 5th of September 2022.
Lawyers working for the NGO Hamoked petitioned the Supreme Court on this issue.
IAM will follow the events and shall report in due course.
https://www.gov.il/BlobFolder/policy/judeaentry2022/he/may20.pdf
אני מעביר מכתב שאושר על ידי האסיפה הכללית של האוניברסיטה העברית בעניין הנהלים החדשים של מתאם הפעולות בשטחים. מכון ויצמן שלח מכתב דומה ואני מקווה שגם אוניברסיטאות אחרות תצטרפנה
לכבוד האלוף רסאן עליאן, מתאם פעולות הממשלה בשטחים
מכותבים: מר בנימין גנץ, שר הביטחון
מר נפתלי בנט, ראש הממשלה
מר יאיר לפיד, ראש הממשלה החליפי ושר החוץ
לאחרונה פורסם נוהל חדש של מתאם פעולות הממשלה בשטחים לכניסת זרים לשטחים, שאמור להיכנס
לתוקף בתחילת יולי. בפרט מפורטים בנוהל השיקולים לכניסת מרצים, חוקרים וסטודנטים למוסדות ההשכלה
הגבוהה הפלסטיניים. הנוהל קובע “מכסה” של 100 “מרצים וחוקרים מצטיינים במקצועות נדרשים” שיורשו
להיכנס, אך לא ברור מהם המקצועות הנדרשים האלה, ושיקול הדעת ניתן למינהל האזרחי. כמו כן הנוהל אינו
מאפשר קבלת קביעות משום שהוא מגביל את פרקי הזמן של השהיה בשטחים. הנוהל גם קובע מה הדרישות
האקדמיות ממרצים וחוקרים שיורשו להיכנס לתקופה העולה על סמסטר אחד, ונקבע שמרצים יקבלו אשרה
של מרצים מצטיינים רק אם “הוכח להנחת דעתו של הגורם המוסמך במתפ”ש כי למרצה תרומה משמעותית
להשכלה האקדמית, לכלכלת האזור, או לקידום שיתוף פעולה ושלום אזורי”. לבסוף, הנוהל גם מגביל גם את
מספר הסטודנטים הזרים וקובע מכסה של 150 סטודנטים.
ובכניסת מרצים, חוקרים וסטודנטים אליהם. אולם, אנו סבורים שלמוסדות אקדמיים שמורה הזכות לקבוע
אלו תחומים יילמדו וייחקרו בהם, ומי המרצים שיעשו זאת, במסגרת החופש האקדמי. אין מקום להתערבות
של השלטון הצבאי בתחומי הלימוד והמחקר, ולקבל הכרעה לעניין כישורים אקדמיים של חוקרים. אין שום
שיקול בטחוני המצדיק התערבות כזו, מאחר שבכל מקרה ברור שכל המרצים, החוקרים והסטודנטים צריכים
לקבל אישור כניסה אישי מגורמי הביטחון.
ואישרה את הבקשה לשנות את הנוהל, כך שהשלטון הצבאי לא יתערב בשיקולים האקדמיים של בחירת
תחומי המחקר, זהות המרצים ומספרם במוסדות השונים, אלא ישקול שיקולים ביטחוניים בלבד.
25 במאי, 2022
לכבוד: האלוף רסאן עליאן, מתאם פעולות הממשלה בשטחים
לאחרונה פורסם נוהל חדש של מתאם פעולות הממשלה בשטחים לכניסת זרים לאזור יהודה ושומרון,
שאמור להיכנס לתוקף במאי. בפרט מפורטים בנוהל השיקולים לכניסת מרצים, חוקר ים וסטודנטים
למוסדות ההשכלה הגבוהה הפלסטיניים. הנוהל קובע מכסה של 100 מרצים ב”מקצועות נדרשים”
שיורשו להיכנס, אך לא ברור מהם המקצועות הנדרשים האלה. כמוכן הנוהל קובע מה הדרישות
האקדמיות ממרצים וחוקרים שיורשו להיכנס, ונקבע שמרצים יקבלו אשרה של מרצים מצטיינים רק א ם
יש להם “תרומה משמעותית להשכלה האקדמית, לכלכלת האזור, או לקידום שיתוף פעולה ושלום
אזורי “.
הפלסטיניים, ובכניסת מרצים, חוקרים וסטודנטים אליהם. אולם, אנו סבורים שלמוסדות אקדמיים שמורה
הזכות לקבוע אילו תחומים יילמדו וייחקרו בהם, ומי המרצים שיעשו זאת, במסגרת החופש האקדמי. אין
מקום להתערבות של השלטון הצבאי בתחומי הלימוד והמחקר, ובכישורים האקדמיים של החוקרים. אין
שום שיקול בטחוני המצדיק התערבות כזו, מאחר שבכל מקרה ברור שכל המרצים, החוקרים
והסטודנטים צריכים לקבל אישור כניסה אישי מגורמי הביטחון .
בשיקולים האקדמיים של בחירת תחומי המחקר, זהות המרצים ומספרם במוסדות השונים, אלא ישקול
שיקולים ביטחוניים בלבד באישורי הכניסה .
פרופ’ דניאלה גולדפרב פרופ’ מאיה שולדינר
יו”ר המועצה המדעית סגנית יו”ר המועצה המדעית
בשם המועצה המדעית של מכון ויצמן למדע (המכילה את כל הפרופסורים במכון)
מר נפתלי בנט, ראש הממשלה
מר יאיר לפיד, ראש הממשלה החליפי ושר החוץ
נוהל כניסה ושהייה של זרים
לאזור יהודה ושומרון
תיאום פעולות הממשלה בשטחים
להחזיק ברישיון ביקור שיונפק על ידי הרש”פ, באישור הצד הישראלי .
ב. לצד זאת, הסכם הביניים הותיר סמכויות בידי הצד הישראלי, בקובעו כי זרים ממדינות המקיימות יחסים דיפלומטיים עם ישראל, יוכלו להיכנס לאיו”ש גם באמצעות אשרת כניסה תקפה לישראל.
ג. סוגיית המעבר לאיו”ש באמצעות אשרה ישראלית נמצאת תחת אחריות מתפ”ש, הפועל בתיאום עם רשות האוכלוסין וההגירה במשרד הפנים.
ב. אשרה לפי סעיף זה, יראו בה גם כהיתר עיסוק.
ג. מרצים וחוקרים אורחים:
1 ) יעד: כנסים, השתלמויות וקורסים סימסטריאליים באזור .
2 ) דרישה אקדמית: על הזר להיות בעל תואר שני לפחות .
3 ) משך האשרה: יקבע בהתאם למשך הפעילות האקדמית ועד לתקופה של 5 חודשים במקרה של קורס סמסטריאלי.
4 ) בתום תקופת האשרה יצא הזר מהאזור, וככל שברצונו לשוב לאזור, יהיה באפשרותו להגיש בקשה חדשה לאשרה מסוג זה, בחלוף 9 חודשים לפחות ממועד יציאתו את האזור. במקרה של קורס סימסטריאלי, לא ניתן לאשר תקופה העולה על אורכו של קורס אחד בשנת לימודים קלנדרית.
ד. מרצים וחוקרים מצטיינים במקצועות נדרשים:
1 ) מיועד למספר מצומצם של חוקרים מצטיינים בהתאם למכסה שתיקבע ע”י הגורם המוסמך במתפ”ש ותפורט בנספח א’ לנוהל זה.
2 ) בקשה לאשרה לפי פרק זה תאושר במקרה כי הוכח להנחת דעתו של הגורם המוסמך במתפ” ש כי למרצה תרומה משמעותית להשכלה האקדמית, לכלכלת האזור או לקידום שיתוף פעולה ושלום אזורי .
3 ) דרישה אקדמית: בעל תואר דוקטור לפחות.
4 ) משך אשרה: האשרה תינתן לתקופה של שנה, ויהיה ניתן לחדשה לפרק זמן שלא יעלה על 27 חודשים. אם תקופת עבודתו של מרצה או חוקר מצטיין תעלה על 27 חודשים, יגיש בקשה חדשה לאחר
יציאה לחו”ל, ובלבד שסך כל תקופת השהות לא תעלה על חמש שנים במצטבר.
5 ) בתום תקופת האשרה יצא המרצה מהאזור, וככל שברצונו לשוב לאזור, יהיה באפשרותו להגיש בקשה חדשה לאשרה מסוג זה לצורך כניסה בחלוף 9 חודשים לפחות ממועד יציאתו את האזור.
6 ) כניסת בני משפחה נלווים: תינתן אפשרות לכניסת בני זוג וילדים של מרצה וחוקר מצטיין שקיבל אשרה בהתאם לסעיף זה, באמצעות אשרת “בני משפחה נלווים” בהתאם לסעיף 7 לפרק זה .
ה. השיטה :
1 ) כלל הבקשות לקבלת אשרת מרצים וחוקרים בתחום ההשכלה הגבוהה לסוגיהן תוגשנה לנציגות הישראלית במדינת המוצא של הזר, בצירוף מסמך הזמנה רשמי מטעם הרש״פ, לכל הפחות 60
ימים טרם מועד הכניסה המבוקש. לכל בקשה יצורפו המסמכים כמפורט בסעיף “תנאים ודרישות” להלן .
2 ) בסמכות הגורם המוסמך במתפ”ש לקבוע מכסה לכניסת מרצים וחוקרים. המכסות יפורסמו בנספח א ‘ לנוהל זה .
3 ) ככל שמסמכי הבקשה ימצאו תקינים ומספקים, תאושר הבקשה בכפוף למכסה פנויה. ככל שחסרים מסמכים לבקשה, יוחזר מענה לפיו ניתן לבצע השלמת מסמכים תוך 21 יום.
ו. תנאים ודרישות :
1 ) גיל מינימום לקבלת אשרה – 25 .
2 ) בקשה לאשרת מרצה וחוקר אורח תכלול את המסמכים הבאים:
א( טופס בקשה לאשרה, הצהרה לגבי טעמי הבקשה לכניסה לאזור ושאלון קורות חיים וקשרים משפחתיים וזוגיים באזור .
ב( מסמכים ותיעוד לגבי ההשכלה וההכשרה של המבקש, לרבות אישור רשמי על אודות התואר האקדמי מטעם המוסד שהעניק את התואר.
ג( צילום תעודת הלידה של המוזמן. אם בוצע שינוי שם (פרטי או משפחה) יש להציג תעודה ציבורית המעידה על שינוי השם.
ה( הזמנה רשמית מטעם הרש״פ .
ו( הזמנה רשמית של המוסד האקדמי הכולל את התאריכים המבוקשים לביקורו, מהות הפעילות האקדמית וחוזה העסקה .
ז( צילום חזיתי עדכני של פני המבקש .
ח( אישור על ביטוח רפואי לתקופת השהייה המבוקשת.
3 ) מרצים וחוקרים מצטיינים יצרפו בנוסף את המסמכים הבאים:
א( מסמך חתום ומאומת מטעם רקטור המוסד האקדמי (או המשמש בתפקיד דומה, גם אם תוארו שונה) שיכלול התייחסות למהות המשרה המבוקשת, תרומתה להשכלה האקדמית, לכלכלת האזור או לקידום שיתוף פעולה ושלום אזורי .
ב( כלל הפרטים אודות משפחת המוזמן בה תאם לסעיף 7 לפרק זה.
ז. הארכת אשרת חוקר/מרצה מצטיין:
1 ) בקשות להארכת אשרה יוגשו למשרד לעניינים אזרחיים ברש״פ חודשיים לפחות טרם תחילתה של שנת הלימודים העוקבת .
2 ) לבקשה להארכת אשרה יצורפו הוכחות על העסקה בפועל בשנת הלימודים החולפת (אישור מהמוסד האקדמי לרבות הוכחות על תשלום השכר בהתאם לחוזה). כן יש לצרף אישור ביטוח רפואי
לתקופת השהייה המבוקשת.
3 ) הבקשה תכלול גם את פרטיהם של בני הזוג והילדים של המרצה .
Palestinian universities are once again under attack
And as they fight for their survival under apartheid rule, they are receiving no real solidarity from their Israeli counterparts.
By Neve Gordon
Palestinian universities are under attack once again.
Later this month, the Israeli authorities are expected to put into effect a 97-page ordinance, called Procedure for Entry and Residence for Foreigners in Judea and Samaria Area (PDF), which would grant the Israeli Ministry of Defence and thus, the military, absolute power to determine how many and which foreign academics and students can visit, study or work at all 15 Palestinian universities and colleges in the West Bank.
The “procedure” limits the number of staff allowed to work for any of these 15 universities and colleges to no more than 100 “distinguished lecturers and researchers,” noting that “applications for a permit under this section will be approved if it is demonstrated, to the satisfaction of the authorised [military] official, that the lecturer contributes significantly to academic learning, to the area’s economy, or to advancing regional cooperation and peace”.
Moreover, under the new ordinance, the Israeli authorities will not only determine who can or cannot teach in Palestinian universities but will also restrict the time foreign academics can reside in the West Bank to one semester, which ensures that foreign professors will no longer be able to become permanent members of the academic staff at any of West Bank’s institutions of higher education.
Finally, the procedure will only allow up to 150 foreign students to study in the West Bank at any given moment, while restricting their stay to one semester as well.
Universities as sites of resistance
Israel’s attempt to exert total control over Palestinian universities is, of course, nothing new. But its approach to Palestinian higher education was once significantly different.
Back in the early 1970s, when Israel’s occupation of the West Bank was in its early years, the Israeli authorities provided Palestinians with permits to establish universities in the occupied territories. Security officials were under the impression that the establishment of universities could help Israel normalise the occupation and thus foster Palestinian support for Israeli rule.
This policy backfired. The universities established under occupation rapidly became sites for political organising and mobilisation for Palestinian liberation.
Furthermore, within a relatively short period, these universities produced a fairly large Palestinian professional class. The labour market in the occupied territories did not have much to offer these young graduates – Israel was almost exclusively hiring unskilled manual labourers for its construction and agricultural industries, and military authorities were blocking almost all attempts by Palestinians to establish independent industries or develop the service sector.
Not surprisingly, the lack of jobs created bitterness among unemployed and underemployed graduates. Alongside thousands of university students – who were equally concerned about their future prospects – these graduates eventually served as a primary force in bringing about the first wave of mass resistance to Israeli rule: the Intifada of 1987.
Seeing the prominent role students and graduates took on during the first Intifada, Israel swiftly learned its lesson and began imposing severe restrictions on Palestinian universities. Birzeit University, for instance, was practically closed year round from 1988 to 1992. All of the other universities also faced long-term closures.
In the decades that followed, numerous procedures have been introduced to restrict Palestinian higher education. The primary aim of these policies, ranging from limiting the movement of lecturers and students to putting restrictions on subjects that can be taught, was to undermine Palestinian economic development and the circulation of knowledge that can be used to mobilise younger generations against colonial rule.
Protecting academic freedom
Given this half-century-long history of academic restrictions, obstructions and repression, it is difficult to find anything new in the restrictions to academic freedom that Israel is due to introduce in the West Bank later this month. The “procedure” is, after all, just one more draconian policy in a long line of draconian policies targeting Palestinian higher education. And yet, there has been an interesting development since the announcement of the procedure in February.
In addition to Palestinian universities themselves, international human rights organisations, and professional associations such as the Middle East Studies Association and the British Society for Middle Eastern Studies (in which I serve as chair of the Committee on Academic Freedom), an Israeli university publicly voiced concern in an official capacity over an Israeli policy that would undermine the academic freedom of Palestinians.
In an arguably unprecedented move, the General Assembly of the Hebrew University sent an official letter to the Israeli military commander of the West Bank, emphasising the problematic restrictions set out in the procedure.
At first glance, the penning of this letter appears to be a step in the right direction – until now, the only support Palestinian higher education institutions received from Israeli academia came from Israeli academics organising, protesting and at times, issuing open letters criticising the state’s attacks on Palestinian academic freedom in their personal capacity.
Nevertheless, a careful reading of the letter quickly shows that this is hardly the important gesture of solidarity it first appears to be.
The general assembly insists that the military should not intervene in decisions regarding a person’s academic qualifications, but still accepts that the occupying military has the right to determine whether a lecturer, researcher or student poses a security threat and deny them access to Palestinian universities.
“There are,” it argues, “no security considerations that justify this kind of intervention because it is clear that in any case all lecturers, researchers and students need to receive an individual entry permit from security officials.”
In other words, the Hebrew University accepts the basic assumptions informing Israeli rule over Palestinians: the legitimacy of one ethnic group dominating another ethnic group, and the use of laws and official policies to sustain and enhance that domination.
The letter is tepid, at best. But it does raise an important question: why, after nearly half a century did an Israeli university suddenly decide to voice concern about repressive policies directed at Palestinian universities?
Undoubtedly, some professors from Hebrew University are sincerely alarmed about the ongoing efforts to clamp down on Palestinian higher education. However, others are probably more concerned about their own academic standing among their international peers. They are aware of the Palestinian Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement, and particularly the threat of an international boycott of Israeli academic institutions due to their complicity with Israeli apartheid. It is likely that in their eyes this letter distances Hebrew University from the government’s policies, and absolves them of any blame.
Indeed, reading the letter carefully, Hebrew University’s complaint sounds more like an effort to protect its own reputation than support Palestinian universities. While criticising a particular policy proposal, the university implies there is a possibility that academic freedom can exist under an apartheid regime. Thus, the letter does not challenge the structures of domination. Rather, it serves as a shield against those calling for an academic boycott on Israeli universities.
Today, Palestinian universities are facing yet another attack. As they work to try and preserve something that at least resembles academic life under a brutal apartheid regime, they deserve real solidarity – not attempts by privileged academic institutions to save their own reputations.
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Neve Gordon is a Marie Curie Fellow and Professor of International Law at Queen Mary University of London. He is also the author of Israel’s Occupation and co-author of The Human Right to Dominate.
Palestinians concerned about growing violence on campuses
There have been recurring violent incident on university campuses between rival Palestinian factions.
By KHALED ABU TOAMEH Published: DECEMBER 21, 2021 16:12
Updated: DECEMBER 21, 2021 16:40
The administration of Bir Zeit University near Ramallah has expressed deep concern over the recurrence of violent incidents on campus between students belonging to rival Palestinian factions.
The violence at Bir Zeit University, which describes itself as “the most prestigious Palestinian university,” is the latest in a series of incidents that hit other leading academic institutions in the West Bank in recent weeks.
Palestinian Authority security forces arrested several Bir Zeit University students on suspicion of involvement in the violence. A Palestinian academic described the tensions on campus as “dangerous and intolerable.”
“We can’t allow our academic institutions to turn into battlefields for settling scores between rival factions and gangs,” the academic told The Jerusalem Post. “We call on the Palestinian Authority to assume its responsibilities and take tough measures to enforce law and order.”
The latest tensions at Bir Zeit University began earlier this month when a fight erupted between students affiliated with Fatah and others belonging to Hamas and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP).
The Fatah supporters on campus were reportedly outraged by a statement, signed by Hamas and PFLP students, condemning security coordination between the PA and Israel.
The statement also condemned the PA security forces for raiding and searching the nearby dormitories.
The PA is dominated by the Fatah faction headed by President Mahmoud Abbas.
According to sources on campus, Fatah supporters beat up a number of students affiliated with Hamas and PFLP because of the statement.
Earlier, another fight erupted on campus, this time between rival Fatah factions. The sources said that some of the Fatah-affiliated students were carrying guns, but did not use them.
Tensions on campus escalated last week when Hamas and PFLP held separate paramilitary parades to celebrate the anniversary of each group.
Hamas recently marked the 34th anniversary of its founding, while the PFLP celebrated its 54th anniversary.
The tensions reached their peak when hundreds of students participated in the Hamas parade on campus. The university administration had banned all student activities in closed areas because of concerns related to coronavirus.
According to the university administration, masked Hamas supporters nevertheless forced their way into the Martyr Kamal Nasser Hall on campus and beat a number of university security guards.
The hall is named after Kamal Nasser, a Palestinian Christian poet, author and political activist from the Gaza Strip who grew up in the town of Bir Zeit.
“Violations were committed against the university guards by masked men, and unauthorized tools and equipment were brought into the hall, which was generally closed to any activities due to public health considerations,” the administration said. “Unfortunately, instead of respecting the regulations and instructions, a number of masked men who were wearing the banner of the [Hamas-affiliated] Islamic Bloc broke the windows and doors, and forcibly entered the hall and gathered inside.”
THE ADMINISTRATION stressed that it was determined to make all possible efforts to address the phenomenon of violence on campus “due to its devastating effects on the university’s progress and its ability to achieve its goals.”
The incident came hours after IDF soldiers raided the campus and searched the faculties of Graduate Studies; Science; and Pharmacy, Nursing and Health Professions. The soldiers are also reported to have removed a large Palestinian flag from the center of campus.
It was not clear whether the IDF raid was linked to the Hamas and PFLP celebrations.
After the violence at the Martyr Kamal Nasser Hall, the university administration announced that it had temporarily suspended one of the students involved in the incident.
“The manifestations of violence, which have increased in the recent period, contradict the spirit of the university, which is keen on providing the widest space for freedom of opinion and expression and mutual respect,” the administration emphasized.
But just when the tensions appeared to wind down, another crisis erupted after Bir Zeit University vice president Ghassan al-Khatib reportedly likened the incident at the Martyr Kamal Nasser Hall to the IDF raid on campus.
Khatib said in an interview with the Palestinian Al-Quds Network that the current tension between student blocs “has to do with issues that are not related to the university, but rather to political or behavioral and external differences.”
In response, five student blocs called on Khatib to apologize for his alleged remarks.
The blocs also demanded that the administration rescind punitive and disciplinary measures against a number of students.
On Monday, hundreds of students staged a sit-in strike in front of the university administration building to express their rejection of a decision to limit the activities of student blocs on campus.
The protesters gave the administration until Tuesday evening to backtrack on its measures, saying they will close down the administration offices when the deadline expires.
Walid al-Awad, a senior official with the Palestinian People’s Party (formerly the Palestinian Communist Party), said the crisis at Birzeit University “requires urgent national action at the highest levels.”
The crisis, he added, calls for urgent action, especially since most of the leaders of the Palestinian factions and important national institutions have graduated from Bir Zeit University.
Three other Palestinian universities also witnessed violent incidents in recent weeks, prompting their administrations to close them down temporarily.
Al-Quds University in Abu Dis, near Jerusalem, was shut after masked gunmen threatened students and faculty members because of a dispute over a parking lot.
Days later, Hebron University was shut following clashes on campus between rival clans in the city.
More recently, a student was fatally stabbed during a brawl at Arab American University in Jenin, the first private Palestinian university. The victim was identified as Mahran Khaliliyeh, a nursing student from a village near Jenin. PA security forces arrested 10 Fatah-affiliated students on suspicion of involvement in the murder.
israel-academia-monitor.com 